（**本網路榜單僅供參考，以招生委員會公告為準）

0152 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)
正取共：9 名 （依准考證號碼排列）
01520001謝嘉心 01520006吳宜珊 01520008張慧慈 01520009徐珮瑄 01520010蔡宜文 01520011 蘇子翔 01520016涂曉蝶 01520020張玉儒 01520021陳誼珊


0153 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程)
正取共：6 名 （依准考證號碼排列）
01530001黃欣茹 01530004洪苑柔 01530006鍾寧 01530008蔡睿洋 01530009曾虹文
01530010范道瑛

I. 閱讀測驗（十小題一對一配對，共20分。）
The Supreme Court hears arguments Monday in a case about what kind of inventions deserve patents (1). The businessmen who came up with a method for hedging(2) financial risk in energy trading sued the Patent and Trademark Office after it denied them a patent. Allowing an abstraction of this kind to be protected would take patent law too far.
The applicants in this case created a “risk management method” that can be used by energy consumers, like a school or a factory, to offset(3) various risks, like fluctuations in energy prices or the added costs of an unusually cold winter. The patent office decided that their method was not the sort of thing that could be patented.
The United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit affirmed that decision. It ruled that a process can qualify for patent protection if it is tied to a particular machine or apparatus(4), for example, a new kind of consumer product, or if it transforms a particular article into a different state or thing, like a new method for treating rubber. The risk management method the plaintiff(5) submits meets neither standard, the court said.
The Federal Circuit’s test is a sensible one for deciding what inventions are worthy of patents.
The Constitution’s Patent Clause restricts patent protection to the “useful Arts,” which at the time primarily meant the work of skilled workers and artisans(6), particularly in engineering and manufacturing. The patent laws Congress has passed, going back to the 1790 Patent Act, have restricted patent protection to inventions of this sort.
If the court sides with these patent applicants it would open the door for all sorts of “processes.” That would lock up all sorts of techniques — including abstract ways of thinking about future events — that should not properly belong to anyone.
Patents perform a useful function, promoting innovation(7) by ensuring inventors the right to profit from their creations for a period of time. But overprotection through patents is as dangerous as underprotection. It can stifle(8) competition and infringe(9) on the rights of non-patent holders. Not every bright(10) idea should be protected as a property right.
(1) patents （）
(2) hedging （）
(3) offset （）
(4) apparatus （）
(5) plaintiff （）
(6) artisans （）
(7) innovation （）
(8) stifle （）
(9) infringe （）
(10) bright （）


(a) one who begins a suit in a court of law
(b) protecting oneself by minimizing the risk of a bet
(c) encroach
(d) intelligent
(e) A right or privilege granted by the government to make, use, or sell an invention for a certain number of years
(f) handicraftsmen
(g) counterbalance
(h) suppress
(i) the introduction of novelties
(j) equipment


II.閱讀測驗（5題選擇題，共30分。）
One of the curious aspects of the current financial crisis is its slow-motion buildup and dramatic apogee over the course of a bit more than a year. What happened was not dissimilar to what can happen in a coal mine, where toxic gas can seep unseen into the work spaces, eventually killing the miners. That’s why miners learned to keep canaries deep underground, because the birds would die first from the unseen, unsmelled gas, giving the miners a chance to escape.

On Wall Street, canaries abounded as far back as late 2006 as the subprime problems began to surface and home values began to decline. But manias make it difficult to see or hear clearly, as was the case during the Internet stock bubble roughly between 1998 and 2001. And because of the size of the problems facing banks and other financial firms, finding solutions to the crisis proved very difficult, even though there was time to try to find it. Lehman Brothers knew it faced significant solvency issues for more than a year, but it couldn’t raise enough capital to offset its enormous amount of bad debts. Similarly, those at Bear Sterns and mortgage lenders such as Washington Mutual, Countrywide Financial and IndyMac Federal Bank knew they faced problems. But most observers think that the crisis unfolded at a comparatively leisurely pace, giving those involved ample time to find solutions before the tsunami hit in September 2008.

If there is a string to pull that can take us back to the origins of the crisis, it is the start of the subprime lending market trouble. Toward the end of 2006 and into early 2007, individual homeowners began to fail on their subprime loans. Little wonder: many of these people had qualified for a loan simply by having a pulse and a pen. But since everyone was buying the premise that “real estate prices always go up,” if the borrower failed, the bank would just take over the house and resell it at a profit. Given that mind-set, everyone qualified for a subprime mortgage. And everyone, it seems, applied.


Answer the following questions:

1. The current financial crisis reaches its climax in the year of : (a) 1998；(b) 2001；(c) 2006；(d) 2008.
2. The canary in the article refers to: (a) investment banking；(b) housing price；(c) insolvency；(d) mortgage lenders.

3. Many subprime mortgage borrowers began to default because: (a) their house values continued to decline；(b) too many borrowers chased too little money；(c) most of them were not qualified borrowers；(d) the lending rules were too lenient.

4. According to this article, what is the real culprit behind the current financial crisis: (a) Internet stock bubble；(b) financial mania and heedlessness；(c) Wall Street gurus and investment banks；(d) subprime mortgage borrowers.

5. What would be the best title for this article?: (a) Financial Wizardry；(b) Tsunami；(c) Canaries；(d) Financial Euphoria.



III. 英翻中（共兩題，每題25分）
（請將以下兩段文字，翻譯成中文。）
（1）
A self-taught filmmaker who spent five months interviewing Tibetans about their hopes and frustrations living under Chinese rule is facing charges of state subversion after the footage was smuggled abroad and distributed on the Internet and at film festivals around the world. The filmmaker, Dhondup Wangchen, who has been detained since March 2008, just weeks after deadly rioting broke out in Tibet, managed to sneak a letter out of jail last month saying that his trial had begun. “There is no good news I can share with you,” he wrote in the letter, which was provided by a cousin in Switzerland. “It is unclear what the sentence will be.” As President Obama prepares for his first trip to China next month, rights advocates are clamoring for his attention in hopes that he will raise the plight of individuals like Mr. Wangchen or broach such thorny topics as free speech, democracy and greater religious freedom.

（2）
As China has famously become the factory to the world, India is becoming the world’s back office. The birth of the remote back office has turbocharged the Indian economy, reorganizing the way business is done in India and around the world and spreading India fever among foreign companies. Fueled by the gold rush dreams of massive profits through cost-cutting, international companies are rushing headfirst into India, and they will leave in their wake millions of white-collar workers in the West, all of them will need to find new jobs and some of them will have to find new careers. This new practice of moving white-collar work overseas is called offshoring. The very concept of offshoring is revolutionary, and internationally renowned scholars even dub it “the third industrial revolution.”

99學年度社會所碩士班甄試(初試合格)名單：
社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組) 初試合格共：14名 （依准考證號排列）
01520001謝嘉心 01520004邱嘉鈴 01520005董芸安 01520006吳宜珊
01520007廖貞雅 01520008張慧慈 01520009徐珮瑄 01520010蔡宜文
01520011蘇子翔 01520012陳柏帆 01520016涂曉蝶 01520019林楷倫
01520020張玉儒 01520021陳誼珊

社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程) 初試合格共：9名 （依准考證號排列）
01530001黃欣茹 01530002蔡文傑 01530003劉庭豪 01530004洪苑柔
01530005賴奕如 01530006鍾寧 01530008蔡睿洋 01530009曾虹文
01530010范道瑛

參考資料：
甄試甲組複試流程表
甄試乙組複試流程表

清華大學社會學研究所 99學年度碩士班甄試辦法（僅供參考以正式簡章為準）
系所指定繳交資料：
1、專用申請表；2、進修計劃書；3、代表作品（不超過2件；不限文字作品，）；4、推薦函二封。(推薦函由推薦者逕寄本所招生委員會)

甄試方式及項目：
一、初審：審查成績單、進修計劃書、推薦函及其他資料。
二、複試：初審通過始得參加，含筆試及口試。筆試科目：英文。

備註：本所另備專用申請表，請自本所網頁下載(詳附檔)，於報名時一併寄繳。

聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131#62229

參考資料：
社會所專用申請表

參考資料：
附檔 1

（**本網路榜單僅供參考，以招生委員會公告為準）

正取共： 3 名 （依准考證號排列）
06390003 夏傳位 06390011 陳靜玉 06390014 廖瑞華

報到時間： 98年6月11日上午10：00起至6月18日下午17：00。
請詳閱報到須知

清華大學社會學研究所2008年博士班入學英語測驗考題　

【考生請注意：以下考題除了中翻英之外，其他考題一律用英文作答】
Part I (50%)
Instructions: Read the following passage and answer the questions as directed.

We regard men as infinitely precious and possessed of unfulfilled capacities for reason, freedom, and love. In affirming these principles we are aware of countering perhaps the dominant conceptions of man in the twentieth century: that he is a thing to be manipulated, and that he is inherently incapable of directing his own affairs. We oppose the depersonalization that reduces human beings to the status of things—if anything, the brutalities of the twentieth century teach that means and ends are intimately related, that vague appeals to “posterity” cannot justify the mutilation of the present. We oppose, too, the doctrine of human incompetence because it rests essentially on the modern fact that men have been “competently” manipulated into incompetence—we see little reason why men cannot meet with increasing skill the complexities and responsibilities of their situation, if society is organized not for minority, but for majority, participation in decision-making.
Men have unrealized potential for self-evaluation, self-direction, self-understanding, and creativity. It is this potential that we regard as crucial and to which we appeal, not to the human potentiality for violence, unreason, and submission to authority. The goal of man and society should be human independence; a concern not with image of popularity but with finding meaning in life that is personally authentic; a quality of mind not compulsively driven by a sense of powerlessness, nor one which unthinkingly adopts status values, nor one which represses all threats to is habits, but one which has full, spontaneous access to present and past experiences, one which easily unites the fragmented parts of personal history, one which openly faces problems which are troubling and unresolved; one with an intuitive awareness of possibilities, an active sense of curiosity, an ability and willingness to learn.
This kind of independence does not mean egotistic individualism—the object is not to have one’s way so much as it is to have a way that is one’s own. Nor do we deify man—we merely have faith in his potential.
Human relationships should involve fraternity and honesty. Human interdependence is contemporary fact; human brotherhood must be willed, however, as a condition of future survival and as the most appropriate form of social relations. Personal links between man and man are needed, especially to go beyond the partial and fragmentary bonds of function that bind men only as worker to worker, employer to employee, teacher to student, American to Russian.
Loneliness, estrangement, isolation describe the vast distance between men and men today. These dominant tendencies cannot be overcome by better personnel management, nor by improved gadgets, but only when a love of man overcomes idolatrous worship of things by man. As individualism we affirm is not egoism, the selflessness we affirm is not self-elimination. On the contrary, we believe in generosity of a kind that imprints one’s unique individual qualities in the relation to other men, and to all human activity. Further, to dislike isolation is not to favor the abolition of privacy; the latter differs from isolation in that it occurs or is abolished according to individual will.
We would replace power rooted in possession, privilege, or circumstance by power and uniqueness rooted in love, reflectiveness, reason, and creativity. As a social system we seek the establishment of a democracy of individual participation, governed by two central aims: that the individual share in those social decisions determining the quality and direction of his life; that society be organized to encourage independence in men and provide the media for their common participation.
Students for a Democratic Society (1962)

1. Translate the second paragraph of the passage above from English into Chinese. (20%)
2. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was the first important national organization in the U.S. student movement of the 1960s. Elaborate the main ideas of this significant writing and make your own observation on the student movement in Taiwan. (30%)

Part II (50%)
Instructions: Read the following passage and answer the questions as directed.

Deskilling and Reskilling in Everyday Life
Expertise is part of intimacy in conditions of modernity, as is shown not just by the huge variety of forms of psychotherapy and counseling available, but by the plurality of books, articles, and television programmes providing technical information about “relationships.” Does this means that, as Habermas puts it, abstract systems “colonize” a pre-existing “life-world,” subordinating personal decisions to technical expertise? It does not. The reasons are twofold. One is that modern institutions do not just implant themselves into a “life-world,” the residues of which remain much the same as they always were. Changes in the nature of day-to-day life also affect the disembedding mechanisms, in a dialectical interplay. The second reason is that technical expertise is continuously reappropriated by lay agents as part of their routine dealings with abstract systems. No one can become an expert, in the sense of the possession either of full expert knowledge or of the appropriate formal credentials, in more than a few small sectors of the immensely complicated knowledge systems which now exist. Yet no one can interact with abstract systems without mastering some of the rudiments of the principles upon which they are based.
Sociologists often suppose that, in contrast to the pre-modern era, where many things were mysteries, today we live in a world from which mystery has retreated and where the way “the world works” can (in principle) be exhaustively known. But this is not true for either the lay person or the expert, if we consider their experience as individuals. To all of us living in the modern world things are specifically opaque, in a way that was not the case previously. In pre-modern environments the “local knowledge,” to adopt a phrase from Clifford Geertz, which individuals possessed was rich, varied, and adapted to the requirements of living in the local milieu. But how many of us today when we switch on the light know much about where the electricity supply comes from or even, in a technical sense, what electricity actually is?
Yet, although “local knowledge” cannot be of the same order as it once was, the sieving off of knowledge and skill from everyday life is not a one-way process. Nor are individuals in modern contexts less knowledgeable about their local milieux than their counterparts in pre-modern cultures. Modern social life is a complex affair, and there are many “filter-back” process whereby technical knowledge, in one shape or another, is reappropriated by lay persons and routinely applied in the course of their day-to-day activities. As was mentioned earlier, the interaction between expertise and reappropriation is strongly influenced, among other things, by experiences at access points. Economic factors may decide whether a person learns to fix her or his car engine, rewire the electrical system of the house, or fix the roof; but so do the levels of trust that an individual vests in the particular expert systems and known experts involved. Processes of reappropriation relate to all aspects of social life—for example, medical treatment, child-rearing, or sexual pleasure.
For the ordinary individual, all this does not add up to feelings of secure control over day-to-day life circumstances. Modernity expands the arenas of personal fulfilment and of security in respect of large swathes of day-to-day life. But the lay person—and all of us are lay persons in respect of the vast majority of expert systems—must ride the juggernaut*. The lack of control which many of us feel about some of the circumstances of our lives in real.
*juggernaut: a runaway engine of enormous power.
“Post-Modernity or Radiclaized Modernity?” Anthony Giddens

1. Summarize the main ideas of the entire passage in your own words (around 200 words in length). (20%)
2. Write a critical response to the passage above in your own opinion on the relationship of the individual and the “deskilling and reskilling” in everyday life.
Support your argument with specific reasons and examples. (30%)

國立清華大學社會學研究所98學年度博士班入學考試

初試合格名單6人

6390003 夏傳位
6390010 丁文卿
6390011 陳靜玉
6390013 劉倚帆
6390014 廖瑞華
6390016 張之豪
--------------------------------

複 試 流 程 表
《98年5月27日 星期三》
口 試 9:00開始 / 地點：人社院C306研討室

6390003 夏傳位 9:00~9:20
6390010 丁文卿 9:20~9:40
6390011 陳靜玉 9:40~10:00

休 息 10:00~10:20

6390013 劉倚帆 10:20~10:40
6390014 廖瑞華 10:40~11:00
6390016 張之豪 11:00~11:20

結 束 11:20

*請攜帶准考證及國民身份證正本（或有效期限內之「護照」、「附加照片之全民健康保險卡」或「汽、機車駕照」等證件正本代替），以備查驗。

清華大學社會所98年博士班英文科筆試、口試時間及地點

時間:98年5月15日(星期五)上午10:00~11:30

筆試地點:人社院C204教室(人社院院館 C區二樓)

准考證號碼 06390001~ 06390016

*抵免考英文
( 06390004李汝民、06390011陳靜玉 二人)

筆試口試請攜帶准考證及身份證正本（或簡章規定等相關證件）以備查驗。


＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝


＊初試及格者，始得參加複試（口試）。
＊口試日期：98 年5 月27 日(星期三)上午起
（確定時間會另發通知並於考前一日社會所網頁上公佈）


口試地點：清大人社院社會所C306研討室

如有疑問請電：03-5712090
03-5715131清大-62229社會所分機

98學年度碩士班入學考試(初試合格)名單
**本網路榜單僅供參考，以本校招生組公告為準**

0541 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組) 初試合格共：15名 （依准考證號排列）
05410002 曹君華 05410004 聶孝如 05410007 汪欣怡 05410012 高琬涵 05410013 劉榮盼 05410014 蕭玉青 05410015 李采蓉 05410018 林可師 05410019 劉子綾 05410020 張以忠 05410022 李嘉艾 05410024 詹壹雯 05410025 姚景純 05410031 謝孟穎 05410032 邱彥霖


0542社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程) 初試合格共：12名 （依准考證號排列）
05420001 張道琪 05420002 杒宗熹 05420003 黃裕成 05420004 何韋宏 05420005 謝瑋鎧 05420006 余世章 05420007 孔俐蓁 05420008 丁友彥 05420011 徐志偉 05420012 王承中 05420014 鄒可薇 05420015 林群穎

甲組複試流程表
乙組複試流程表

國立清華大學九十八學年度社會學研究所博士班招生
（以正式發售簡章內容為準）

招生名額：一般生5名
報名日期及注意事項：
1. 報名日期：97年4月23日起至4月29日止
2. 報名方式：一律網路報名
3. 簡章函購方式請見招生組招生公告：
http://my.nthu.edu.tw/~adms/www/doctor/doctor1/98/98announce.htm
4. 簡章現場發售地點：本校大門口停車繳費窗口(上午7時至晚上10時)或行政大樓一樓招生組辦公室(上班時間內) 開始發售時間：即日起。
5. 詢問招生考試相關事宜請撥(03)5731398、5731014、5731399、5731385；詢問註冊、入學
就讀相關事宜請撥(03)5712334

審查資料：
1. 大學及碩士班歷年成績單。
2. 學力證件。
3. 碩士論文或初稿。
4. 進修計劃書。(最多5000 字)
5. 可提供自選作品至多二件。
6. 三位教授推薦函。
7. 抵免考英文證明文件正本。(無可免)

筆試科目及時間：
5月15日 10：00～11：30 英文

成績計算方式：
第一階段（初試）初審（審查及筆試）
錄取總成績：第二階段考試（複試）第一階段總成績佔50%口試佔50%

筆試日期為5月15日。初試以審查及筆試方式進行。
初試結果於5月22日，由本所專函通知，並於本所網頁上公告。。
口試日期為5月29日。

本所聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131轉62229

國立清華大學社會學研究所九十八學年度碩士班入學考試招生公告(以招生簡章為主)
【詳細情況請上網：http://my.nthu.edu.tw/%7Eadms/（點選左欄：碩士班→一般考試）】

一、報名日期：98年1月9日9：00~1月15日17：00止，一律採網路報名

二、考試日期：
初試：03月15日。
複試：04月10日09:00起(口試)。

三、考試科目：
甲組：
1.社會學(含社會研究法及社會學理論)
2.英文

乙組：
1.選考科目(下列科目任選一科)：社會學(含社會研究法及社會學理論)、政治學、經濟學
2.英文

四、簡章取得方式(簡章已開始發售)：

◎現場購買：
(一)本校光復路大門口收費亭(7：00~22：00)
(二)本校行政大樓一樓招生組辦公室(上班時間內)
(三)成功大學成功校區警衛室12/16以後限量代售500本，售完為止
(四)交通大學行政大樓綜合組辦公室12/16以後限量代售300本(限上班時間)，售完為止

◎函購：
(一)請附：
1.貼足郵資之大型回郵信封一個
2.簡章工本費50元
(現金或匯票，匯票抬頭請寫「國立清華大學」)
請將以上二項寄至「30013新竹市光復路二段101號 招生組收」，信封上並請註明「購買碩士班入學考試簡章」。
(二)大批函購：(請見招生簡章)


◎網路下載：http://my.nthu.edu.tw/%7Eadms/

五、其他事宜：
(一) 詢問招生考試及報到相關事項請洽本校招生組：(03)5731385、5731398、5731399、
5731014。
(二) 詢問碩士班註冊入學相關事項請洽本校註冊組：(03)5712334。
***************************
社會學研究所碩士班 甲組(一般社會學組)
招生名額：8名(含在職研究生)

社會學研究所碩士班 乙組(中國研究學程)
招生名額：5名(含在職研究生)

＊本學年度之考試內容有些微更改，詳情請見招生簡章。

九十八學年度清華大學社會學研究所甄試英文試題（共三頁）

I. Mix and Match: Please match the following terms with their designated explanations and fill the appropriate letters in the parentheses. (54%)

a. authoritarian state. b. demography. c. diffusion. d. fecundity. e. gesellschaft. f. incest taboo. g. laissez-faire. h. monogamy. i. profane. j. stigma. k. total institution. l. triad. m. Simone de Beauvoir. n. Max Weber o. A. de Tocqueville. p. E. Goffman. q. Talcott Parsons. r. C. W. Mills.

( ) 1. Democracy in America.

( ) 2. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life.

( ) 3. The Protestant Ethic and the “Spirit” of Capitalism.

( ) 4. The Second Sex.

( ) 5. The Sociological Imagination.

( ) 6. Functionalism.

( ) 7. prisons, hospitals and military barracks.

( ) 8. A group made up of three people.

( ) 9. A concept, associated with Dukheim, which has to do with ordinary, material life on earth.

( ) 10. The marriage of one man to one woman.

( ) 11. A rule which forbids marriage or sexual relations between individuals who have close biological relationship, such as parents and children, siblings.
( ) 12 A mark of sham or discredit. .

( ) 13. The scientific study of populations.

( ) 14. The spread of cultural traits.

( ) 15. The maximum number of children a woman is capable of bearing.

( ) 16. Toennie’s term for relations characteristic of an urban-industrial society.

( ) 17. China belongs to this category.

( ) 18. A policy of non-intervention in economic matters.



II. Read and Respond: Read the following text and then answer questions accordingly. (You may answer in either English or Chinese)

“The central problem of today’s global interactions is the tension between cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization. A vast array of empirical facts could be brought to bear on the side of the ‘homogenization’ argument, and much of it has come from the left end of the spectrum of media studies, and some from other, less appealing, perspectives. Most often, the homogenization argument subspeciates into either an argument about Americanization, or an argument about ‘commoditization’, and very often the two arguments are closely linked. What these arguments fail to consider is that at least as rapidly as forces from various metropolises are brought into new societies they tend to become indigenized in one or the other way: this is true of music and housing styles as much as it is true of science and terrorism, spectacles and constitutions. The dynamics of such of indigenization have just begun to be explored in a sophisticated manner , and much more needs to be done. But it is worth noticing that for the people of Irian Jaya, Idonesianization may be more worrisome than Americanization, as Japanization may be more for Koreans, Indianization for Sri Lankans, Vietnamization for the Cambodians, Russianization for the people of Soviet Armenia and the Baltic Republics. Such a list of alternative fears to Americanization could be greatly expanded, but it is not shapeless inventory: for polities of smaller scale, there is always a fear of cultural absorption by polities of larger scale, especially those are near by. One man’s imagined community is another man’s political prison.” (A. Appadurai, 1990)



1. Please summarize two (2) main arguments of the author’s views on the problem of globalization given in the text. (20%)



2. Does this author agree with the view that globalization always brings cultural homogenization to local societies? Yes or No? why? (10%)



3. What are two major processes via which effects of cultural homogenization of globalization were believed take place? (10%)



4. In addition to Americanization, what are the alternative fears that were even more worrisome to some smaller states? Does these fear apply to Taiwan and how? (10%)

國立清華大學98學年度碩士班甄試 錄取名單

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0149 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組) 正取共：6 名（依准考證號碼排列）

01490002 彭奕婷 01490005黃文璽 01490009林佳萱

01490010林群賀 01490011盧沛樺 01490020吳沛憶
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0150 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程) 正取共：5 名 （依准考證號碼排列）

01500002吳享峻 01500003蔡俞姍 01500006潘信瑋

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清華大學社會學研究所 98學年度碩士班甄試辦法（僅供參考以正式簡章為準）

系所指定繳交資料：
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甄試方式及項目：
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二、複試：初審通過始得參加，含筆試及口試。筆試科目：英文。

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參考資料：
社會所專用申請表

國立清華大學 九十七學年度 博士班入學考試放榜 錄取名單
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報到時間：97年6月12日上午9:00起至97年6月19日下午17:00止。
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0638 社會學研究所

正取共： 4 名 （依准考證號排列）
06380002 吳彥明 06380009 張容嘉 06380010 李哲宇 06380011 吳青沛

2008年博士班入學英語測驗考題　
清華大學社會學研究所
2008年博士班入學
英 語 測 驗（科目：）
【共三大題，請在答案卷上作答，並標明題號。】
一、請仔細閱讀下文 excerpts from sociologist Arlie Hochschild所寫有關為何美國藍領階級男性支持George W. Bush的文章，針對文中每一個畫底線的單字，選出與其意思最相近的答案，共十小題，每題3分，共30分。

（1）poised:（a） yielded；（b） hovered；（c）preferred ；（d）spared.
（2）rejuvenation: （a） competition；（b）gratification ；（c）transformation；（d）influence.
（3）drubbing:（a） fright；（b）change ；（c）defeat；（d）entitlement.
（4） stretches: （a）reneges；（b） presumes；（c） evokes；（d）extends.
（5） written off: （a）overlooked；（b）committed ；（c） perpetrated；（d）attained.
（6） villains: （a） baddies；（b）residents ；（c） stalkers；（d）celebrants.
（7） dismissively: （a） occasionally；（b）casually；（c） initiatively；（d） thoughtfully.
（8） stakes:（a） facilitates（b）imperils；（c） ignites；（d）organizes.
（9） fortitude: （a）assessment；（b） rank；（c） necessity；（d）strength.
（10） courtesy: （a）civility ；（b） determination；（c） resentment ；（d） deception .

Let Them Eat War
By Arlie Hochschild (posed on October 02, 2003 at TomDispatch.com)

George W. Bush is sinking in the polls, but a few beats on the war drum could reverse that trend and re-elect him in 2004. Ironically, the sector of American society now poised to keep him in the White House is the one which stands to lose the most from virtually all of his policies -- blue-collar men. A full 49% of them and 38% percent of blue-collar women told a January 2003 Roper poll they would vote for Bush in 2004…
In an essay, "The White Man Unburdened," in a recent New York Review of Books, Norman Mailer recently argued that the war in Iraq returned to white males a lost sense of mastery, offering them a feeling of revenge for imagined wrongs, and a sense of psychic rejuvenation." In the last thirty years, white men have taken a drubbing, he notes, especially the three quarters of them who lack college degrees. Between l979 and l999, for example, real wages for male high-school graduates dropped 24%. In addition, Mailer notes, white working class men have lost white champs in football, basketball and boxing. (A lot of white men cheer black athletes, of course, whomever they vote for.) But the war in Iraq, Mailer notes, gave white men white heroes. By climbing into his jumpsuit, stepping out of an S-3B Viking jet onto the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, Bush posed as -- one could say impersonated -- such a hero.
Mailer is talking here about white men and support for the war in Iraq. But we"re talking about something that cuts deeper into emotional life, and stretches farther back into the twin histories of American labor and Republican presidencies…

Until Nixon, Republicans had for a century written off the blue-collar voter. But turning Marx on his head, Nixon appealed not to a desire for real economic change but to the distress caused by the absence of it. And it worked as it"s doing again now. In the l972 contest between Nixon and McGovern, 57% of the manual worker vote and 54% of the union vote went to Nixon. (This meant 22 and 25-point gains for Nixon over his l968 presidential run.) After Nixon, other Republican presidents -- Ford, Reagan, and Bush Sr. -- followed in the same footsteps, although not always so cleverly.

Now George Bush Jr. is pursuing a sequel strategy by again appealing to the emotions of male blue-collar voters. Only he"s added a new element to the mix. Instead of appealing, as Nixon did, to anger at economic decline, Bush is appealing to fear of economic displacement, and offering the Nascar Dad a set of villains to blame, and a hero to thank -- George W. Bush.

Let"s begin by re-imagining the blue-collar man, for we do not normally think of him as a fearful man. The very term "Nascar Dad" like the earlier term "Joe Six Pack" suggests, somewhat dismissively, an "I"m-alright-Jack" kind of guy. We imagine him with his son, some money in his pocket, in the stands with the other guys rooting for his favorite driver and car. The term doesn"t call to mind a restless house-husband or a despondent divorcee living back in his parents" house and seeing his kids every other weekend. In other words, the very image we start with may lead us away from clues to his worldview, his feelings, his politics and the links between these.
Since the l970s, the blue-collar man has taken a lot of economic hits. The buying power of his paycheck, the size of his benefits, the security of his job -- all these have diminished…. In today"s jobless recovery, the average jobless stint for a man like Landry is now 19 weeks, the longest since l983. Jobs that don"t even exist at present may eventually open up, experts reassure us, but they aren"t opening up yet. In the meantime, three out of every four available jobs are low-level service jobs.... For anyone who stakes his pride on earning an honest day"s pay, this economic fall is, unsurprisingly enough, hard to bear. How, then, do these blue-collar men feel about it? Ed Landry said he felt "numb." Others are anxious, humiliated and, as who wouldn"t be, fearful. But in cultural terms, Nascar Dad isn"t supposed to feel afraid. What he can feel though is angry…

But is that anger directed downward -- at "welfare cheats," women, gays, blacks, and immigrants -- or is it aimed up at job exporters and rich tax dodgers? Or out at alien enemies? The answer is likely to depend on the political turn of the screw. The Republicans are clearly doing all they can to aim that anger down or out, but in any case away from the rich beneficiaries of Bush"s tax cut. Unhinging the personal from the political, playing on identity politics, Republican strategists have offered the blue-collar voter a Faustian bargain: We"ll lift your self-respect by putting down women, minorities, immigrants, even those spotted owls. We"ll honor the manly fortitude you"ve shown in taking bad news. But (and this is implicit) don"t ask us to do anything to change that bad news. Instead of Marie Antoinette"s "let them eat cake," we have -- and this is Bush"s twist on the old Nixonian strategy -- "let them eat war."
Paired with this is an aggressive right-wing attempt to mobilize blue-collar fear, resentment and a sense of being lost -- and attach it to the fear of American vulnerability, American loss. By doing so, Bush aims to win the blue-collar man"s identification with big business, empire, and himself. The resentment anyone might feel at the personnel officer who didn"t have the courtesy to call him back and tell him he didn"t have the job, Bush now redirects toward the target of Osama bin Laden, and when we can"t find him, Saddam Hussein and when we can"t find him... And these enemies are now so intimate that we see them close up on the small screen in our bedrooms and call them by their first names.



二、選擇題，以下共有三段敘述，每一段敘述之後接著相關問題，請選出適當的答案；請在答案卷上作答，並標明題號。（50分）

A. Following paragraphs are excerpts from Loïc Wacquant’s renowned urban ethnographic work, Body & Soul: Notebooks of an Apprentice Boxer, which documents the life and labor of the pugilists(拳擊選手) in the black American ghetto in the Chicago South Side.

One cannot understand the relative closed world of boxing outside of the human and ecological context in which it is anchored and the social possible of which this context is the bearer. Indeed it is in its double relation of symbiosis and opposition to the neighborhood and to the grim realities of the ghetto that the gym defines itself. Much like joining a gang or becoming involved in street crime, two germane careers from which it offers a potential escape route, membership in the gym acquires its full social meaning only in regard of the structure of life chances offered—or denied—by the local systems of instruments of social reproduction and mobility, namely, the public schools, the deskilled labor market, and the activities and networks that make up the predatory economy of the street. It is therefore indispensible, before venturing inside the gym, to sketch in rough strokes the portrait of the neighborhood of Woodlawn and its recent history evolution. This African-American community is far from being the most dispossessed of Chicago’s South Side ghetto: of the 77 “Community Areas” that compose the city, it ranks only 13th on the poverty scale. Nonetheless it offers the gripping spectacle on an urban and social fabric in agony after nearly a half-century of continual deterioration and increased racial and economic segregation
On the morrow of the Second World War, Woodlawn was a stable and prosperous white neighborhood, a satellite of Hyde Park (the stronghold of the University of Chicago) which borders it to the north, and boasted a dense business district and an active real estate market. The intersection of 63rd Street and Cottage Grove Avenue was one of the liveliest in the city and throngs streamed through the countless stores, restaurants, movie houses, and jazz clubs that lined these two thoroughfares. Thirty years later, the neighborhood had mutated into a vast enclave of poverty and despair emblematic of the decline of Chicago’s “Black Metropolis” in which the most marginalized fractions of its population are concentrated. Between 1950 and 1980, the number of neighborhood residents fell from 81,000 to 36,000 as the racial makeup of the population went from 38 to 96 percent black. (During that time, the number of whites dropped from 50,000 to fewer than a thousand.) The swelling influx of African-American migrants from rural southern states triggered a massive exodus of whites, soon followed by the outmigration of the black middle class, which fled the core of the ghetto to found its own peripheral neighborhoods (which turned out to be just as segregated). This demographic upheaval, amplified and aggregated by the city’s policy of “urban renewal” in the 1950s—locally known as “Negro removal”—and by the “gang wars” of the 1960s, provoked a crisis of local institutions that combined with record levels of unemployment and school elimination to complete Woodlawn’s transformation into an economic desert and a social purgatory.

1. What happened to Woodlawn during 1950-1980 period CANNOT be described as:
(1) White flight
(2) Urban decline
(3) Urban gentrification
(4) The impoverishment of community

2. According to the author, what is the best way to study the boxing world?
(1) By situating the boxers’ lives in the surrounding institutions.
(2) By counting the number of opponents the pugilists from Woodlawn had to fight in a typical year.
(3) By measuring the physical strength of the pugilists.
(4) By studying the boxing gym in isolation.

3. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?
(1) Becoming German was a route usually utilized by Woodlawn’s residents to escape its poverty.
(2) Boxing world and ghetto lives of Woodlawn reinforced but also contradicted each other.
(3) When black middle class people moved out of Woodlawn, they usually settled in the racially integrated communities.
(4) Urban renewal improved the living conditions for the poor African-American residents in Woodlawn.

B. Following paragraphs are excerpts from a social statistics textbook, Statistics for Social Data Analysis, fourth edition.

A basic reason for bringing additional variable into the analysis of the relationship between an independent and a dependent variable is to clarify the true relationship between them. Covariation between two variables can arise because of the confounding effects of other factors. To establish the true amount of covariation between two variables, we need to remove the part that is due to other factors.
In laboratory-type experiments, researchers remove the effects of other factors by applying an experimental design. Some additional variables can literally be “held constant” by making sure they apply uniformly to all subjects under experimental and control conditions. ...In a social experiment we might hold constant our methods of presenting stimuli to subjects and recording their responses.
Variables that might disturb a bivariate relationship can be controlled in experiments by random assignment of subjects to the difference experimental treatments...
The technique of random assignment of subjects to experimental treatment groups helps to eliminate the confounding effect of rival factors. Thus, it helps isolate the true impact of the independent variable on the dependent measure. Unfortunately, all social behavior cannot be studied experimentally. In naturally occurring data such as that collected through sample surveys, other techniques for eliminating rival factors must be used. These techniques consist of identifying the additional variables likely to affect a relationship, measuring these factors, and “holding constant” their effects through statistical manipulation of the data.

4. The term “holding constant” can be substituted by which of the following terms?
(1) regressing
(2) covariating
(3) differentiating
(4) controlling
(5) generating

5. Which of the following statements is true?
(1) When two variables covariate, we can say there always is a causal relationship between these variables.
(2) We can never conduct experiments on social behaviors.
(3) In sample surveys, we may employ some kinds of statistical manipulation to achieve what equals to random assignment in experimental designs.
(4) Due to the confounding effects of other factors, we can never establish the true amount of covariation between two variables.


C. Following paragraphs came from Saskia Sassen’s now classical work on sociology of galobalization, Globalization and its Discontents.

The global economy materializes in a worldwide grid of strategic places, from export-processing zones to major international business and financial centers. We can think of this global grid as constituting a new economic geography of centrality, one that cuts across national boundaries and across the old North-South divide. It signals the emergence of a parallel political geography of power, a transnational space for the formation of new claims by global capital...This new economic geography of centrality partly reproduces existing inequalities but also is the outcome of a dynamic specific to current types of economic growth. It assumes many forms and operates in many terrains, from the distribution of telecommunications facilities to the structure of the economy and of employment.
The most powerful of these new geographies of centrality at the interurban level binds the major international financial and business centers: New York, London, Tokyo, Paris, Frankfurt, Zurich, Amsterdam, Los Angeles, Sydney, Hong Kong, among others. But this geography now also includes cities such as São Paulo, Buenos Aires, Bangkok, Taipei, Bombay, and Mexico City. The intensity of transactions among these cities, particularly through the financial markets, trade in services, and investment, has increased sharply, and so have the orders of magnitude involved. At the same time, there has been a sharpening inequality in the concentration of strategic resources and activities between each of these cities and others in the same country. Global cities are sites for immense concentrations of economic power and command centers in a global economy, while traditional manufacturing centers have suffered inordinate declines.
...
The pronounced orientation to the world markets evident in such cities raises questions about the articulation with their nation-states, their regions, and the larger economic and social structure in such cities. Cities have typically been deeply embedded in the economies of their region, indeed often reflecting the characteristics of the latter; and generally they still do. But cities that are strategic sites in the global economy tend, in part, to become disconnected from their region and even nation...
Alongside these new global and regional hierarchies of cities and high-tech industrial districts lies a vast territory that has become increasingly peripheral, increasingly excluded from the major economic processes that fuel economic growth in the new global economy. A multiplicity of formerly important manufacturing centers and port cities have lost functions and are in decline, not only in the less developed countries but also in the most advanced economies. This is yet another meaning of economic globalization.

6. What could be an appropriate title for this section?
(1) The Economic Sociology of Immigration
(2) The Political Economy of the North-South Divide
(3) Engendering the Worlds of Labor
(4) A New Geography of Centrality and Marginalty
(5) On Time-Space Compression

7. What is the main factor behind the emergence of global cities?
(1) Automobile manufacturing
(2) Geopolitical competition
(3) Financial transactions
(4) Eco-tourism
(5) Agricultural production

8. “The pronounced orientation to the world markets evident in such cities raises questions about the articulation with their nation-states, their regions, and the larger economic and social structure in such cities.” In the sentence, “articulation” can be substituted by which of the following words?
(1) Utterance
(2) Expression
(3) Pronunciation
(4) Rendering
(5) Connection

9. According to Sassen, what could NOT be the effect of economic globalization?
(1) The deterioration of economic situation in many traditional manufacturing centers in the most advanced countries.
(2) The disembeddedness of many cities from their regional economies.
(3) The flattening of hierarchies of cities.
(4) The rise of Taipei in terms of financial and business transactions.

10. According to the paragraphs cited, which of the following statements could NOT be true?
(1) Globalization alleviates the problems of social inequality.
(2) Nation-states have difficulties regulating the new type of capitalism.
(3) Intra-national inequality could become more serious than the cross-national inequality, if the current trend of globalization continues.
(4) Some cities in the less developed countries might benefit from the economic globalization


三、請將下面文字翻譯成中文（20分）
【Excerpts from Duneier, Mitchell. 1999. Sidewalk. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.】
In a paper given to mark the thirtieth anniversary of Herbert Gans’s The Urban Villagers, Stephen Steinberg warned participant observers against what he calls “the ethnographic fallacy.” He argues that, unlike Gans, people who do firsthand studies often become too enmeshed in cultural details. Steinberg warns against “an epistemology that relies exclusively on observation—in other words, that defines reality by what you see. He explains: the ethnographic fallacy “begins when observation is taken at face value. Too often—not always—ethnography suffers from a myopia that sharply delineates the behavior at close range but obscures the less visible structures and processes that engender and sustain the behavior.”

清華大學社會所97年博士班英文科筆試、口試時間及地點

時間:97年5月16日(星期五)上午10:00~11:30

筆試地點:人社院C205教室(人社院院館 C區二樓)

准考證號碼 06380001~ 06380012

*抵免考英文
( 06380005曹建宇、06380008陳靜玉 二人)

筆試口試請攜帶准考證及身份證正本（或簡章規定等相關證件）以備查驗。


＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝


＊初試及格者，始得參加複試（口試）。
＊口試日期：97 年5 月30 日(星期五)上午起
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國立清華大學 九十七學年度

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0543 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)
正取共：7名　（依准考證號排列）
　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　
05430026 高子壹 　 05430030 王俐文 　05430048 沈姵君 　05430056 范國豪 　 05430062 杜欣霏 　 05430067 白鎧璋 　05430078 許惠捷

　
0544 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程)
正取共：6名　（依准考證號排列）(甄試缺額流用一名)
　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　
05440003 潘韋岑 05440004 謝智卿 05440007 蘇芳禾 05440014 許家碩
05440019 林婉菁 05440033 陳婉貞

97學年度碩士班入學考試(初試合格)名單
國立清華大學97學年度碩士班入學考試錄取

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0543 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)
初試合格共：15名 （依准考證號排列）
05430001 陳育含 05430021 張家榮 05430026 高子壹 05430029 吳駿盛
05430030 王俐文 05430037 李屹 05430047 洪雅淨 05430048 沈姵君
05430052 林邑軒 05430056 范國豪 05430058 蘇裕翔 05430062 杒欣霏
05430067 白鎧璋 05430072 黃思齊 05430078 許惠捷

0544 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程)
初試合格共：13名 （依准考證號排列）
05440003 潘韋岑 05440004 謝智卿 05440005 羅健祐 05440007 蘇芳禾
05440011 陳進傑 05440014 許家碩 05440015 羅依帆 05440016 張雅停
05440019 林婉菁 05440024 朱槐瑾 05440027 蘇穩中 05440033 陳婉貞
05440034 陳映

國立清華大學九十七學年度社會學研究所博士班招生
（以正式發售簡章內容為準）


招生名額：一般生5名
報名日期及注意事項：
1. 報名日期：97年4月25日9:00起至5月1日17:00止
2. 報名方式：一律網路報名
3. 簡章函購方式請見招生組招生公告：
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4. 簡章現場發售地點：本校大門口停車繳費窗口(上午7時至晚上10時)或行政大樓一樓招生組辦公室(上班時間內) 開始發售時間：即日起。
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就讀相關事宜請撥(03)5712334

審查資料：
1. 大學及碩士班歷年成績單。
2. 學力證件。
3. 碩士論文或初稿。
4. 進修計劃書。（最多5000字）
5. 可提供自選作品至多二件。
6. 三位教授推薦函。
7. 抵免考英文證明文件正本。（無可免）

筆試科目：英文

成績計算方式：
第一階段（初試）初審（審查及筆試）佔100%
錄取總成績：第二階段考試（複試）第一階段總成績佔50%口試佔50%

筆試日期為5月16日。初試以審查及筆試方式進行。
初試結果於5月23日，由本所專函通知，並於本所網頁上公告。。
口試日期為5月30日。

本所聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131轉62229

國立清華大學社會學研究所九十七學年度碩士班入學考試招生公告(以招生簡章為主)
【詳細情況請上網：http://my.nthu.edu.tw/~adms/（點選左欄：碩士班→一般考試）】

一、報名日期及方式：97年01月11日9：00至01月17日17：00止，一律網路報名。

二、考試日期：第一階段初試(需初試之系所)：03月9日。　
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四、其他事宜：
(一) 詢問招生考試及報到相關事項請洽本校招生組：(03)5731385、5731398、5731399、
5731014。
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***************************
社會學研究所碩士班 甲組(一般社會學組)
招生名額：8名(含在職研究生)

社會學研究所碩士班 乙組(中國研究學程)
招生名額：5名(含在職研究生)

九十七學年度清華大學社會學研究所甄試英文試題（共七頁）


A. Reading Comprehension: 50%

The following passages are drawn from “The Production of Culture Perspective,” written by Richard A. Peterson & N. Anand, in Annual Review of Sociology. 2004. Vol. 30 pp. 311-334.

The production of culture perspective focuses on how the symbolic elements of culture are shaped by the systems within which they are created, distributed, evaluated, taught, and preserved. Initially, practitioners of this perspective focused on the fabrication of expressive-symbol elements of culture, such as art works, scientific research reports, popular culture, religious practices, legal judgments, journalism (Peterson 1976), and other parts of what are now often called the culture or creative industries. Recently, the perspective has been successfully applied to a range of quite different situations in which the manipulation of symbols is a by-product rather than the purpose of the collective activity (Crane 1992, Peterson 2001).
Looking back, the utility of the production perspective seems clear, but in the 1970s, when it emerged as a self-conscious perspective, it challenged the then-dominant idea that culture and social structure mirror each other. Then, a symbiotic relationship between a singular functioning social system and its coherent overarching culture was embraced by a wide range of theorists of contemporary society, including most Marxists who distinguished between social structure and cultural superstructure and functionalists such as Talcott Parsons. The former asserted that those who controlled the means of producing wealth shaped culture to fit their own class interests; the latter believed that a set of monolithic abstract values determined the shape of social structure. Breaking from these mirror views, the production perspective—like most of the other contemporary perspectives in cultural sociology—views both culture and social structure as elements in an ever-changing patchwork (Berger & Luckmann 1966, Peterson 1979, Schudson 2002).
A number of bellwether studies during and since the 1950s exemplified aspects of what would become the production perspective. For example, C. Wright Mills’ 1955 essay, “The Cultural Apparatus”, pointed to the role of the mass media’s inadvertent in inadvertently shaping American culture. Howard S. Becker (1974) showed that artistic creativity is not so much an act of individual genius as it is the product of the cooperative efforts of a number of people. The “news-making” studies of the 1970s (see, for example, Molotch & Lester 1974, Tuchman 1978, Gans 1979) exemplified the production perspective because they went beyond tracing the social dynamics of newsrooms to reveal how organizational routines determine what would be defined as “news.” And, in her analysis of the “invisible colleges” where science is created, Diana Crane (1972) showed that the kind of scientific knowledge produced is a function of the reward system within a particular occupational community.
However, the early work that most completely embodies the production perspective is Harrison White and Cynthia White’s (1965) Canvasses and Careers. They found that theories associating changes in art with revolutionary changes in society or with the emergence of persons of genius could not account for the emergence of impressionist art in nineteenth-century France. They showed that the older royal academic art production system that had survived the economic turmoil and ideological changes of the French Revolution collapsed a generation later with the advent of the art market created by Parisian art dealers and critics, who promoted unconventional artists such as the Impressionists.
Together, these studies illustrate the emerging production of culture perspective insofar as they (a) focus on the expressive aspects of culture rather than values; (b) explore the processes of symbol production; (c) use the tools of analysis developed in the study of organizations, occupations, networks, and communities; and (d) make possible comparisons across the diverse sites of culture creation. In common they show that culture is not so much societywide and virtually unchanging as it is situational and capable of rapid change.
However, not until publication in 1976 and 1978 of collections entitled The Production of Culture, edited by Richard A. Peterson and Lewis A. Coser respectively, did scholars collectively recognize that these and other scattered studies illustrated elements of culture being shaped in the mundane processes of their production. The empirical studies were drawn from sites as diverse as science laboratories, artist communities, and country music radio stations. These two collections of essays signaled the emergence of the production perspective as a coherent and self-conscious approach to understanding how the expressive symbols of culture come to be (DiMaggio 2000).

1. Which of the following best describes the main theme of the above passages?
1) The passages propose an alternative perspective of cultural analysis.
2) The passages briefly review the “production of culture” perspective.
3) The passages present a theoretical trajectory of cultural sociology.
4) The passages present four features of the “production of culture” perspective.

2. Which of the following is NOT covered in the above passages?
1) significant works in the “production of culture” perspective
2) the challenges that sociology’s dominant conceptualization of “culture” imposed on the “production of culture” perspective in the 1970s
3) the studies regarding markets, industries, and key actors in the “production of culture” perspective
4) the influences that the study of organizations and networks had on the “production of culture” perspective

3. According to the authors, the publication of which work transformed the “production of culture” perspective into a self-conscious perspective?

1) C. Wright Mills’ 1955 essay “The Cultural Apparatus”
2) Harrison White and Cynthia White’s 1965 work Canvasses and Careers.
3) The “news-making” studies of the 1970s such as the studies of Molotch, Lester, Tuchman, and Gans
4) The collections of essays entitled The Production of Culture, published in 1976 and 1978, edited by Richard A. Peterson and Lewis A. Coser.

4. According to the above passages, the “production of culture” perspective
1) emphasizes the importance of networks and of informal relations for cultural production;
2) emphasizes the differences between various kinds of production systems of cultural products;
3) explores the processes of symbol production;
4) concerns the modes of regulation and censorship in cultural production.

5. The paragraph that would follow the above passages would most probably

1) discuss the structure of the film industry;
2) provide a typology of actors in the process of cultural production;
3) elaborate DiMaggio’s arguments;
4) summarize critiques of the “production of culture” perspective.

The following passages are drawn from “Review: The Economic Sociology of Markets, Industries, and Firms,” written by Mauro F. Guillén, in Theory and Society, 2003, Vol. 32, No. 4, pp. 505-515.


It could be argued that the recent revival of economic sociology is based on two fundamental ideas, namely, social construction and embeddedness. Sociologists’ claim to the study of economic action rests on the proposition that institutional arrangements cannot be taken for granted, and that their stability over time depends on the extent to which they are supported, or embedded in, social structures and relationships. Unlike mainstream economics, economic sociology treats efficiency as a constraint, not as the basic principle that ‘‘selects’’ what arrangements, forms, or practices ultimately prevail—or should prevail. Rather, economic institutions such as markets, industries, or firms are socially (and politically) constructed. They are the result of projects of institutionalization whose outcome is only in part driven by efficiency considerations. Actors are not assumed to be utility (or profit) maximizers, but rather seek to reduce uncertainty, to stabilize their relationships to others, even at the cost of not reaching the highest possible degree of utility for themselves. And given the complexity and messiness of economic exchange in industrialized societies, actors get together to reduce uncertainty and advance their common position, frequently with the aid of state structures. Thus, economic sociology is eminently political in its approach. Power, legitimacy, and influence are key terms in the conceptual repertoire of the field.

There is, however, a second aspect to the construction of economic institutions, one that brings economic sociology in contact not with the “conflict” tradition of Marx and Weber, but with the “cultural” approach of Durkheim. Action is assumed to occur in the midst of social networks of relationships of more or less density, which provide actors with values and norms, with common understandings, and hence articulate what is appropriate, permissible, and expected under different types of circumstances. Actors, in other words, pursue meaning as well as utility. The future of the current attempt to revitalize economic sociology as a distinctive and effective way of studying institutions such as markets, industries, and firms may well depend on how successfully sociologists combine and reconcile the different insights and principles of action that emerge from the Marx/Weber and Durkheim theoretical traditions. Balancing out the principles of social conflict and social cohesion has always been the key challenge to sociologists, not just economic sociologists.

6. Which of the following is NOT covered in the above passages?

1) the influential figures of economic sociology and their main contributions
2) social construction and embeddedness as fundamental ideas in recent economic sociology
3) the “conflict” tradition of Marx and Weber and the “cultural” approach of Durkheim in economic sociology
4) the differences between mainstream economics and economic sociology

7. According to the author, economic sociologists would

1) treat efficiency as a basic principle that privileges some forms and actions over others;
2) consider economic institutional arrangements, markets for example, as the result of projects of institutionalization fully explained by the logic of efficiency;
3) approach economic phenomena from a political perspective and would, hence, constantly apply concepts such as power and legitimacy to their analyses;
4) analyze actors mainly as profit seekers tending both to reduce uncertainty and to stabilize their relationships to others in the complexity and the messiness of economic exchange in industrialized societies.

8. In the sentence “Action is assumed to occur in the midst of social networks of relationships of more or less density, which provide actors with values and norms, with common understandings, and hence articulate what is appropriate, permissible, and expected under different types of circumstances,” the word articulate is closest in meaning to
1) seek
2) express
3) highlight
4) accept

The following passages are drawn from Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society, written by Mitchell Dean. 1999. London: Sage.
Notions of morality and ethics generally rest on an idea of self-government. They presume some conception of an autonomous person capable of 9 and regulating various aspects of their own conduct. Further, to define government as the ‘conduct of conduct’ is to open up the examination of self-government or cases in which governor and governed are two aspects of the one actor, whether that actor be a human individual or a collective or corporation. Thus the notion of government extends to cover the way in which an individual questions his or her own conduct (or problematizes it) so that he or she may be better able to govern it. In other words government encompasses not only how we exercise authority over others, or how we govern abstract entities such as states and populations, but how we govern 10 .

9. Which word best fits the underlined ‘9’?
1) perceiving
2) monitoring
3) determining
4) identifying

10. Which word best fits the underlined ‘10’?
1) governments
2) our colonies
3) ourselves
4) the ungoverned

B. Fill-in the blanks with the following propositions or articles: a, the, about, to, of, into, with, within. (24%)

Everything that is segmentary tends increasingly ___ be absorbed into the mass of society. This is why the family is obliged to transform itself. Instead of remaining an autonomous society ___ the larger one, it is drawn increasingly ___ the system of organs of society. It becomes one of these organs itself, invested ___ special functions. Consequently all that takes place within it is capable ___ having general repercussions. It is this that brings ___ the need for the regulatory organs of society to intervene, to exercise a moderating effect over ___ way in which the family functions or even, in certain cases, one that acts ___ positive stimulus. (form “The Division of Labor in Society,” P. 158, by Emile Durkheim, 1984, The Free Press.)


C. Translating the following passages into Chinese. (26%)

The God of Calvinism demanded of his believers not single good works, but a life of good works combined into a unified system. There was no place for the very human Catholic cycle of sin, repentance, atonement, release, followed by renewed sin. Nor was there any balance of merit for a life as a whole which could be adjusted by temporal punishments or the Churches’ means of grace. The moral conduct of the average man was thus deprived of its planless and unsystematic character and subjected to a consistent method for conduct as a whole. (From “The Protestant Ethic And The Spirit of Capitalism,” P. 117, by Max Weber, 1958)

清華大學社會學研究所 97學年度碩士班甄試辦法（僅供參考以正式簡章為準）

系所指定繳交資料：
1、專用申請表；2、進修計劃書；3、代表作品（不超過2件；不限文字作品，）；4、推薦函二封。(推薦函由推薦者逕寄本所招生委員會)

甄試方式及項目：
一、初審：審查成績單、進修計劃書、推薦函及其他資料。
二、複試：初審通過始得參加，含筆試及口試。筆試科目：英文。


備註：本所另備專用申請表，請自本所網頁下載(詳附檔)，於報名時一併寄繳。


聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131#62229

參考資料：
附檔 1

國 立 清 華 大 學 命 題 紙
96學年度 社會學研究所 博士班入學考試
英文筆試

【共四大題，請在答案卷上作答】

一、閱讀測驗 (24%，共8小題，每小題3分)

As China"s economic growth has surged to astonishing levels in recent years, a matching wave of books chronicling its rise has poured from the presses of publishers in Europe and the U.S. Many of these tend to be rather breathless accounts of how China"s boom is affecting its own people and the rest of the world—tales of human struggle and environmental destruction within the Middle Kingdom, or, elsewhere, of entire steel factories being crated up and shipped to the mainland along with tens of thousands of jobs. But a second broad classification of China books is now emerging. These attempt to explain what countries and individuals can do, or ought to do, in reaction to China"s cataclysmic change.
A pair of prime examples is The China Fantasy by James Mann, a former Beijing bureau chief for the Los Angeles Times, and The Writing on the Wall, by British journalist Will Hutton. The two volumes are both nominally about China, but their aims are to influence policy in the West. Their subtitles make that much clearer: How Our Leaders Explain Away Chinese Repression gets second billing on Mann"s book, while Hutton"s subtitle is Why We Must Embrace China as a Partner or Face It as an Enemy.
The similarities end there. Mann"s is a slim volume, an extended essay skewering what he sees as the hypocrisy of U.S. politicians in dealing with China. For the sake of maintaining good trading relations, Mann argues, American leaders have ignored the inconvenient fact that China is run by a repressive, sometimes brutal regime that stands against everything they profess to hold dear: democracy, human rights and freedom. They excuse this behavior with what he calls the "soothing scenario" that China will eventually come around to sharing their values, based on the assumption that democracy is a necessary byproduct of economic development. Mann calls this the "Starbucks fallacy," a reference to New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof"s argument that when people have more choices of coffee than they do of leaders, political change is inevitable. But Mann sees a third way, a path between the advent of democracy and a collapse into chaos that is generally considered to be China"s only alternative to political change. Twenty years from now, he says, China could still be as authoritarian as it is today. Far from ushering in democracy, it"s possible that China"s newly rich urban élite, with a vested interest in maintaining the status quo, could keep its rural masses disenfranchised indefinitely. The U.S. needs to keep that scenario in mind when dealing with Beijing, Mann says—and not just assume everything will work out in the end.
Hutton"s book is much more ambitious in scope, particularly for someone who is not a China specialist. (He is a former newspaper editor and author of books on economics and European and U.S. politics.) In 400 pages dense with facts and footnotes—his bibliography runs to 27 pages—Hutton sets out a detailed analysis of China"s rise and of what Western nations must do to preserve a leading role in the face of it. His proposition is fairly simple, and pretty much diametrically opposed to Mann"s. "If the next century is going to be Chinese," Hutton writes in his preface, "it will be only because China embraces the economic and political pluralism of the west." Beijing faces a host of woes ranging from pervasive corruption to a crippled banking system to the contradictions inherent in its combination of half-baked capitalism and single-party control. Without the adoption of democratic principles and institutions such as the rule of law, representative government and a free press, China"s current path is unsustainable—in other words, it"s democracy or bust. It is in the West"s interest to encourage China"s recognition of that fact, Hutton argues—and also to reaffirm its own commitment to those ideals.
The China Fantasy and The Writing on the Wall are penned by men who clearly feel passionately about their subject. Mann"s book is a distillation of years of observations on the interaction between Beijing and Washington. On the other hand, while Hutton"s research is prodigious, he seems to begin with a set of preconceived ideas, and makes clear in his acknowledgments that he took on this project at the urging of his agent, despite knowing very little about China. I"m inclined to agree with Mann on the likelihood of democracy evolving in China anytime soon: as long as the economic boom continues to raise living standards, many Chinese will be inclined to leave the current system—authoritarian as it may be—alone. There is a place in the world, of course, for inductive reasoning like Hutton"s, and for fresh ideas presented by nonspecialists. But in this case I"ll have to concur with a certain Hunanese poet and politician who advised that it was best to "seek truth from the facts."

1. This article is a:（a）commentary；（b）book review；（c）political satire；（d）polemic.
2. How many books are specifically discussed in the article: （a）two；（b）three；（c）four；（d）six.
3. According to the author, what is the third alternative between the rise of democracy and the collapse of China"s political order: （a） social upheaval led by urban elites；（b） social democratic regime；（c） the survival of the one-party state；（d）political deadlock.
4. According to James Mann, the Chinese middle class will most likely: （a） choose democracy over prosperity：（b）rebel against the apparatus of control and repression；（c）opt for stability over democracy；（d）embrace the rural masses.
5. The main target of Mann’s little angry book is:（a）Chinese communist leaders；（b）Western diplomats；（c）Chinese newly rich middle classes；（d）American policy makers.
6. The “soothing scenario” refers to: （a） democratic institutions facilitating economic development；（b）the spread of capitalism ushering in democracy；（c）the co-evolution of capitalism and democracy；（d） the withering of authoritarian regime by the spread of democratic ideas.
7. The "Starbucks fallacy" is a belief related to:（a）Western hypocrisy；（b）McDonald"s triumphalism;（c）social Darwinism；（d）American geopolitical hegemony.
8. The author disagrees with Hutton’s book because it is :（a） inductive；（b）deductive；（c）by non-specialist；（d）empirically unsound.


二、翻譯（15％，請將下列這段文字翻譯成中文）

In discussions of science, popularization, and the public, talk is frequently of activity－of what one should do in order to achieve better or more public understanding of science. Rather less attention has been devoted to articulating the philosophies and models that inform and drive popularizing activity. The communication process, the functions－ intended and otherwise－of popularization, conceptualizations of the public as potential recipients of scientific information, and, indeed, the notion of public understanding of science itself are just some of the complexities that are, perhaps too readily, taken for granted.

三、閱讀測驗(36%，共12小題，每小題3分)
【提示：以下文字摘錄自Rosemarie Garland Thomson, “Introduction: From Wonder to Error -- A Genealogy of Freak Discourse in Modernity”（1996）一文。】
I want to suggest in rather broad strokes here how freak discourse is both imbricated in and reflective of our collective cultural transformation into modernity. The trajectory of historical change in the ways the anomalous body is framed within the cultural imagination – what I am calling here the freak discourse’s genealogy – can be characterized simply as a movement from a narrative of the marvelous to a narrative of the (1) . As modernity develops in Western culture, freak discourse (2) the change: the prodigious monster transforms into the pathological terata; what was once sought after as revelation becomes (3) as entertainment; what aroused awe now inspires horror; what was taken as a portent shifts to a site of progress. In brief, wonder becomes error.
Consider, for instance, the (4) distinctions applied to anomalous bodies over time. Never simply itself, the exceptional body betokens something else, becomes revelatory sustains narrative, exists socially in a realm of hyper-representation. Indeed, the word monster – perhaps the earliest and most enduring name for the singular body – derives from the Latin monstra, meaning to warn, show, or sign, and which has given us the modern verb demonstrate. Monsters were taken as a showing forth of divine will from antiquity until the hand of God seemingly loosed its grip (5) the world. When the gods lapsed into silence, monsters became an index of Nature’s fancy or – as they now appear in genetics and embryology – the Rosetta Stone that reveals the mechanics of life. As portents, monsters were the premier manifestation of a varied group of astonishing natural phenomena known as prodigies, marvels, or wonders. Under the sign of the miraculous, comets, earthquakes, six-legged calves, cyclopic pigs, and human monsters confirmed, repudiated, or revised what humanity (6) as the order of things. By challenging the boundaries of the human and the coherence of what seemed to be the natural world, monstrous bodies appeared as sublime, merging the terrible with the wonderful, equalizing repulsion with attraction.
……
The notion of the monster as prodigy fades [by the seventeenth century], transfiguring singular bodies into lusus naturae, nature’s sport or the freak of nature. As divine design disengages (7) the natural world in the human mind, the word freak emerges to express capricious variegation or sudden, erratic change. Milton’s Lycidas seems to (8) freak into English in 1637 to mean a fleck of color. By the seventeenth century freak broadens to mean whimsy or fancy. Not until 1847 (9) synonymous with human corporeal anomaly. Thus, wonder, which enters the language as early as 700, separates from augury to become whimsy as Enlightenment thinking begins to rationalize the world. What was once ominous marvel now becomes gratuitous oddity as monsters shift into the category of curiosities. Curiosity fuses inquisitiveness, acquisitiveness, and novelty to the ancient pursuit of the extraordinary body, shifting the ownership of such bodies from God to the scientist, whose Wunderkammern, or cabinets of curiosities, antedate modern museums. Simultaneous with the secularism that finds delight in nature’s corporeal jokes arises the contrasting empiricism that creates the knowledge used to drive fancy from the world.
Consequently, at just the historical moment when the (10) monster transforms into the whimsical freak, the Enlightenment logic Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno have termed “the disenchantment of the world” produces teratology, the science of monstrosity that eventually tames and rationalizes the wondrous freak. Formally articulated in 1832 by the French zoologist Isidore Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, teratology recasts the freak from astonishing corporeal extravagance into the pathological specimen of the terata. Mastered and (11) by modernity, then, is the marvelously singular body whose terrible presence in the world quickened such cultural narratives as Genesis and the Odyssey. Domesticated within the laboratory and the textbook, what was once the prodigious monster, the fanciful freak, the strange and subtle curiosity of nature, has become today the abnormal, the intolerable. The exceptional body thus becomes what Arnold Davidson calls an “especially (12) normative violation,” demanding genetic reconstruction, surgical normalization, therapeutic elimination, or relegation to pathological specimen.

1. (A) deviate (B) deviant (C) deviation (D) deviator
2. (A) logs (B) logs in (C) logs out (D) logs on
3. (A) to pursue (B) pursuing (C) pursued (D) to have pursued
4. (A) paradigmatic (B) syntagmatic (C) phonetic (D) semantic
5. (A) at (B) of (C) in (D) on
6. (A) imagines (B) imagining (C) imagined (D) has imagined
7. (A) to (B) from (C) with (D) in
8. (A) initiate (B) initiating (C) be initiated (D) have initiated
9. (A) the word becomes (B) the word became (C) the word has become (D) does the word become
10. (A) foreboding (B) foreboden (C) forbidding (D) forbidden
11. (A) mythologizing (B) demythologizing (C) mythologized (D) demythologized
12. (A) virtuous (B) vicious (C) virtuously (D) viciously


四、翻譯（25％，請將下列這段文字翻譯成中文，包括標題與內文）

An Efficient Meritocracy or an Inefficient Old-boy Network?

In a study of the 55 Nobel laureates working in the United Sates in 1963, Harriet Zuckerman found that a full 34 of them had studied or collaborated with a total of 46 previous prize winners. Not only that, but those who had worked with Nobel laureates before they themselves had done their important research received their prizes at an average of 44, compared with an average age of 53 for the others. Clearly, scientists tend to form elite groupings. Are these groupings the tip of a merit-based ice-berg, or are they artifacts of systems of prestige gone awry? Is the knowledge for which these elites are recognized intrinsically and objectively valuable, or does it become so because of its association with the elites?

國立清華大學 九十六學年度


(※本網頁僅供參考，以本校招生委員會公告之榜單為準※)


0544 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)
正取共：9名　（依准考證號排列）
　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　
05440004 王筱玟 　 05440015 史旻玠 　 05440022 蔣昕 　05440028 魏妤庭 　 05440034 廖婉余 　 05440037 蔡佩娟 　05440038 林冠婷 05440040 翁書偉 　 05440051 陳家銘 　

備取共：0名　（依名次排列）

　
0545 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程)
正取共：5名　（依准考證號排列）
　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　
05450007 柴仲安 　 05450008 蕭登元 　 05450009 林千翔 　05450013 陳柏君 　 05450021莊紹岳 　


備取共：0名　（依名次排列）

96學年度碩士班入學考試(初試合格)名單
國立清華大學96學年度碩士班入學考試錄取

**本網路榜單僅供參考，以本校招生組公告為準**



0544 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)　
初試合格共：14名　（依准考證號排列）
　 　 　 　 　 　
05440004 王筱玟 　 05440010 陳珮瑩 　 05440015 史旻玠 　
05440022 蔣 昕 05440024 王冠婷 　 05440028 魏妤庭 　
05440030 吳筱筑 　 05440034 廖婉余 　 05440036 鄭如珺 　
05440037 蔡佩娟 　 05440038 林冠婷 　 05440040 翁書偉 　
05440046 林依柔 　 05440051 陳家銘 　




　

0545 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程)　
初試合格共：12名　（依准考證號排列）
　 　 　 　 　 　
05450001 謝姮妤 　 05450004 廖詠年 　 05450005 翁紹桓 　
05450007 柴仲安 　 05450008 蕭登元 　 05450009 林千翔 　
05450013 陳柏君 　 05450016 黃秀薇 　 05450017 馮依菱 　
05450019 張哲豪 　 05450021 莊紹岳 　 05450022 葉峯谷 　

清華大學社會學研究所 96學年度碩士班招生考試公告

招生名額：甲組 8 名(含在職研究生) 乙組 5 名 (含在職研究生)

考試科目：

【初試】
甲組： 1.社會學理論 2.社會學(含社會研究法) 3.英文
乙組：1.下列科目任選一科: (1) 社會學(含社會研究法) (2)政治學 (3) 經濟學
2.當代中國 3.英文

【口試】
一、甲組為一般社會學組，參考書目請查閱本所網頁。

二、乙組為中國研究學程，參考書目請查閱本所網頁。
(一)本組係根據清華大學與中央研究院共同培訓研究生合作協議下之中國研究分 項學程而設置。
(二)本組畢業生由清大授與社會學碩士學位，並註明由清大與中研院共同授課等 相關申明。
(三)初試成績:選考科目佔 35%、當代中國佔35%、英文佔30%。

三、複試口試包括大學成績單及 1000字以內之讀書計畫及代表著作(無著作可免)。

四、口試所附之書面資料請於口試前三日寄達本所。


查詢電話:03-5712090 或03-5715131轉62229

國立清華大學社會學研究所九十六學年度碩士班入學考試招生公告
【詳細情況請上網：http://my.nthu.edu.tw/~adms/（點選左欄：碩士班→一般考試）】

一、報名日期及方式：96年01月12日9：00至01月18日17：00止，一律網路報名。

二、考試日期：第一階段初試(需初試之系所)：03月17日。　
第二階段複試：04月13日。(各系所排定日期詳見簡章)

三、簡章取得方式(簡章已開始發售)：

◎現場購買：(一)本校光復路大門口收費亭(7：00~22：00)　
(二)本校行政大樓一樓招生組辦公室(上班時間內)

◎函購：
請附：1.貼足郵資之大型回郵信封一個 (平信10元、限時17元、掛號30元、限時掛號37元，一
次購買多份請另行增加郵資)　
2.簡章工本費50元(現金或匯票，匯票抬頭請寫「國立清華大學」)　
3.請將以上二項寄至「30013新竹市光復路二段101號 招生組收」，信封上並請註明[購
買碩士班簡章]。

◎網路下載：http://my.nthu.edu.tw/~adms/

四、其他事宜：
(一) 詢問招生考試及報到相關事項請洽本校招生組：(03)5731385、5731398、5731399、
5731014。
(二) 詢問碩士班註冊入學相關事項請洽本校註冊組：(03)5712334。
***************************
社會學研究所碩士班 甲組(一般社會學組)
招生名額：8名(含在職研究生)

社會學研究所碩士班 乙組(中國研究學程)
招生名額：5名(含在職研究生)

國立清華大學九十六學年度社會學研究所博士班招生
（以正式發售簡章內容為準）


招生名額：一般生5名
報名日期及注意事項：
1. 報名日期：96年4月27日9:00起至5月3日17:00止
2. 報名方式：一律網路報名
3. 簡章函購方式請見招生組招生公告：
http://my.nthu.edu.tw/~adms/www/doctor/doctor1/96/96announce.htm
4. 簡章現場發售地點：本校大門口停車繳費窗口(上午7時至晚上10時)或行政大樓一樓招生
組辦公室(上班時間內) 開始發售時間：即日起。
5. 詢問招生考試相關事宜請撥(03)5731398、5731014、5731399、5731385；詢問註冊、入學
就讀相關事宜請撥(03)5712334

審查資料：
1.大學及碩士班歷年成績單。
2.學力證件。
3.碩士論文或初稿。
4.進修計畫書。（最多5000字）
5.可提供自選作品至多二件。
6.三位教授推薦函。
7.抵免考英文證明文件正本。（無可免）

筆試科目：英文

成績計算方式：
第一階段（初試）初審（審查及筆試）佔100%
錄取總成績：第二階段考試（複試）第一階段總成績佔50%口試佔50%

筆試日期為5月18日。初試以審查及筆試方式進行。
初試結果於5月25日，由本所專函通知。
口試日期為6月1日。

本所聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131轉62229

國立清華大學 96學年度 碩士班甄試 錄取名單

(※本網頁僅供參考，以本校招生委員會公告之榜單為準※)


正取生報到時間：95/12/14~95/12/18下午五點；請詳見入學前報到須知


0143 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)
正取共：8 名　（依准考證號碼排列）

01430003 陳博洲 01430006 林均雯 01430013 黃令名 01430014 鄭功杰 01430015 林名哲 01430016 林韋伶 01430022 陳俊求 01430024 陳彥碩

0144 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程)
正取共：5 名　（依准考證號碼排列）

01440002 邱莞仁 01440003 李易遠 01440004 黃佩君
01440005 廖卿樺 01440007 朱胤慈

社 會 學 研 究 所 碩 士 班 甄 試
筆 試 考 題
（2006年秋季）

答題提示：
－請在答案卷上作答；
－請回答每一個短篇文章之後的是非題或選擇題；
－總共有六篇短文，20小題，每小題5分；
－答題時請標明題號。

（I）
Sociologists favoring ethnographic research…were prominent in the so-called reaction against positivism of the late 1960s and 1970s, when survey methodology and its supposed philosophical foundations became a prime focus of criticism. In the face of this attach, the response of sociologists engaging in survey research, or reliant on the secondary analysis of its results, could only be described as muted. Few, it seems, were able to raise sufficient motivation to offer any systematic reply. The effort made in this respect by Marsh (1982) is distinguished not so much by its quality than by its rarity. However, what is today striking is the degree to which, despite the rather one-sided nature of the debate, the continuing contributions from supporters of ethnography have changed in the tone. Although “positivist” still tends to serve as an all purpose pejorative qualifier, calls for the outright rejection of the survey method are far less frequently heard and more common are pleas for ethnography to be accepted as an essential complement to survey research. Such arguments indeed often appear to be of an essentially defensive kind, being linked to complaints that in contemporary sociology ethnographic work is unduly neglected or undervalued on account of the dominance that survey research has come to exert.

One explanation for the continuing importance of survey research that has been offered, and that has been underwritten by at least some supporters of ethnography, is of an entirely “external” kind. Survey research, it is argued, owes its success to the fact that it is an instrument of power or must at all events collude with power: “power is its precondition” (Burawoy 1998: 16). This is not only because such research requires substantial resources of a kind likely to be available only to government, big business, or major foundations. In addition, knowledge deriving from survey methodology is knowledge that is formed—in the name of objectivity—from outside and above the “lifeworld” of those studied, and that is in turn aimed essentially at control. Moreover, it is held, from the “hegemonic” position that they thus enjoy, the proponents of survey research can seek to impose their standards on other sociologists, ethnographers in particular, and to subject the work of the latter to “inappropriate criticism” (Burawoy 1998:15; see also Stoecker 1991). Ethnography is thus disfavored and threatened; none the less, it still serves as the basis of an alternative, but equally valid, paradigm of social enquiry to that represented by survey research. Since ethnographers usually operate individually, in a “craft” rather than a “bureaucratic” mode, they need only modest resources and can thus avoid becoming compromised by power. Moreover, by entering directly into the lifeworld of their subjects, they seek to produce knowledge for the purposes not of control but rather of empathetic understanding, and especially so in the case of marginal, stigmatized, dispossessed, or otherwise subordinate and powerless groups.

1. (false or true) According to the statement, Marsh’s reply to the criticism of the sociological ethnographers regarding survey methodology is very high in quality.

2. (false or true) According to the statement, survey researchers enthusiastically defended their methodological approach against criticism from the ethnographers.

3. Sociologists who share Burawoy’s criticism of survey research will NOT agree to which of the following statement?
(1) Survey research intends to improve the effectiveness in controlling deviant behaviors.
(2) Survey research usually operates in a bureaucratic mode.
(3) The precondition of survey research is power.
(4) Survey research studies the lifeworld in depth.

4. According to the above statement, ethnography is not particularly good at studying which of the following categories of individuals or social phenomena? (1) migrant workers; (2) youth subculture; (3) wealthy elites; (4) minority groups.


5. According to some ethnographers like Burawoy, who plays the role of gate-keeper in sociology now? (1) historical sociologists; (2) survey researchers; (3) sociology professors in elite universities; (4) ethnographers.

（II）

There are three major theoretical models to examine how power is exercised in society:

The pluralist model interprets power in society as coming from the representation of diverse interests of different groups in society. It assumes that in democratic societies, the system of government works to balance the different interests of groups in society. This model sees the state as basically benign and representative of the whole society. No particular group is seen as politically dominant.

The power elite model sees the dominant or “ruling” class controls all the major institutions in society. The state itself is simply an instrument by which the ruling class exercises its power. This view of the state emphasizes the power of the upper class over the lower classes, the small group of elites over the rest of the population. Following this theoretical tradition, C. Wright Mills (1956) analyzed the power elite. Mills argued that the true power structure consists of people well positioned in three areas: the economy, the government, and the military. These three institutions are held to be bastions of the power elite.

The autonomous state model interprets the state as its own major constituent. From this perspective, the state develops interests of its own, which it seeks to promote independent of other interest and the public that it allegedly serves. The state is not simply reflective of the needs of dominant groups. It is an administrative organization with its own needs, such as maintenance of its complex bureaucracies and protection of its special privileges.

6. Which of the following groups does not qualify as the power elite according to C. Wright Mills? (1) army generals; (2) senior government officials; (3) capitalists; (4) public intellectuals.


7. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?

(1) Autonomous state model emphasizes that the state merely balances the interests of different social groups, instead of having its own interest.
(2) Power elite model argues that power in society comes from representation of diverse of interests of different social groups.
(3) Power elite model sees the power as widely diffused.
(4) Pluralist model sees the state a fair and benign.


8. (false or true) What differentiates the autonomous state model from the power elite model the most is that the former analyzes the state an instrument of class domination while the latter does not.


（III）

Grassroots democracy in China, which began to show faint signs of life three years ago, is struggling. On November 8th millions of voter in Beijing took part in largely stage-managed local elections. The authorities seem to have had second thoughts about encouraging more combative contests.

9. (false or true) The Chinese government is determined to encourage more grassroots democracy.



（IV）

Why is gender segregation still so prevalent, and why do obstacles to mobility at work persist? One explanation is that women and men are socialized differently, and to some degree, they choose to go into different fields. Women who are exposed to “masculine” tasks in childhood may be more likely as adults to enter jobs that utilize these skills. Conversely, many women shy away from traditionally “male” jobs because they believe that others will disapprove.

10. 填充選擇題
文中shy away from 可以用下面哪一個同義的字或片語取代？(1) accept; (2) avoid; (3) redefine; (4) look for.

（V）

The following passages are drawn from The Souls of Black Folk written by a prominent sociologist and black activist, W.E.B.Du Bois (1868-1963) in 1903 on the issue of black citizenship in the United States.

The Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world, ---a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his two-ness, --- an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.

The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife, --- this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. He would not Africanize America, for America has too much to teach the world and Africa. He would not bleach his Negro soul in a flood of white Americanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message for the world. He simply wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows, without having the doors of Opportunity closed roughly in his face.

11. Du Bois discusses “a world which____ him no true self-consciousness….” Which word best fits?
(1) acts;
(2) allows;
(3) evokes;
(4) records.

12. (false or true) According to the text, black “double-consciousness” can help blacks to see the hypocrisy of America.

13. Du Bois writes “…this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to ____ his double self into a better and truer self.” Which word best fits?

(1). coalesce;
(2). reinforce;
(3). refrain;
(4). aver.

14.（false or true） According to Du Bois, in order for blacks to be successful, blacks have to incorporate a white perspective.

（VI）

The following text is drawn from Joshua Gamson & Dawne Moon, “The Sociology of Sexualities: Queer and Beyond,” Annual Review of Sociology, 2004, 30:47-64.

In critiquing the common understanding of “the pleasures of the body” as enduring and acultural, Altman (2001) points out that, “however seductive the phrase, ‘the pleasures of the body’ cannot be separated from the world outside.” He continues to remark that, “only when political and economic conditions allow can we engage in ‘pleasures.’ Indeed, bodily pleasures are often shaped by political and economic conditions” (Altman 2001, p. 2). Although feminist and gay scholars have long pointed to the ways sexuality is structured by the economic system and to commodified sexuality, sociologists of sexuality have taken up the political economy of sexuality more recently. In part because of the rise of globalization studies, sociologists of sexuality have moved to consider how economic and political transformations have shaped sexual experiences, identities, politics, and desires. In addition to those who look at how transnational processes rely on and affect sexualities, some focus on the specifics of the transformation of gay and lesbian movements into markets, while others look at sexuality to study intersections between market transformations and sexual morality.

Massad (2002) looks at the effects of globalization on international gay and lesbian nongovernmental organizations working to promote gay and lesbian rights in the Middle East. He examines how these organizations draw from the rhetoric of recent “Orientalist” scholarship, which he sees as using tacit, culturally specific assumptions about sexuality and oppression. In his analysis, these scholars and organizations, like earlier colonial institutions, insist on the universality of their own system of sexual categories and define themselves as “progressive” and “enlightened” in comparison with Arabs and Muslims. “While the premodern West attacked the Muslim world’s alleged sexual licentiousness,” Massad argues, “the modern West [in the form of American- and British-dominated organizations] attacks its alleged repression of sexual freedoms” (Massad 2002, p. 375). He suggests that international gay organizations’ attempts to increase tolerance for homosexuality have, ironically, led to policies more repressive than those that preceded them; as sexuality is brought into public view, national leaders assert views about sexuality that had previously gone unspecified, with new policies to match.

Others have looked at the microlevel effects of globalization. Cant´u (2002, p. 160) shows how gay and lesbian tourism has the “dual effect of creating sites in the country that are both sexually liberating and exploitative.” Cant´u (2001) elsewhere argues that “the sexuality of migration” can only be understood through a “queer political economy” analysis. He notes that Mexican “men who have sex with men” immigrated to the United States largely because of sexual marginalization at home, which often translated into economic liability. Once in the United States, new economic arrangements facilitated their shift toward the North American–style “gay identity” model of sexuality, yet existing ethnic enclaves provided them with a buffer against their new racial marginalization.


15. According to the authors, the pleasure of the body
(1) is given by the God;
(2) can be expressed without any restriction;
(3) is a personal matter;
(4) is economically and politically conditioned.

16. On the relationships between transnational processes and sexuality, which of the following statement fits best with the authors’ argument?

(1). They are two separated things and there are no interactions between them;
(2) They rely on and affect each other;
(3). Sexuality shapes transnational processes but not the other way around;
(4).Transnational processes shape sexuality but not the other way around;

17. According to the text, which description of Massad’s (2002) work on the effects of globalization on international gay and lesbian nongovernmental organizations in the Middle East is INCORRECT?

(1). These nongovernmental organizations bring their own sexual and racial prejudices into their works;
(2). As homosexuality issues become more publicized in Middle East, more suppressive policies are introduced by local leaders;
(3). Globalization shapes the development of gay, lesbian rights in Middle East;
(4) Sexuality is not relevant in the images of other cultures.


18. According to the studies cited in the text, how do scholars think about Western cultural and economic dominance affect sexual meanings for people in nonwestern contexts?

(1). little to no effect;
(2). effect that is ambiguous but important;
(3). positive effect;
(4). negative effect.


19. (false or true) According to Cant´u’s (2001) study cited in the text, migrants’ sexuality in host societies has nothing to do with their ethnicity or other social backgrounds.

20. (false or true) Again, according to Cant´u’s (2001) study cited in the text, leaving “home” can be both liberating and repressive for one’s sexuality.

清華大學社會學研究所 96學年度碩士班甄試辦法（僅供參考以正式簡章為準）

系所指定繳交資料：
1、專用申請表；2、進修計劃書；3、代表作品（不超過2件；不限文字作品，）；4、推薦函二封。(推薦函由推薦者逕寄本所招生委員會)

甄試方式及項目：
一、初審：審查成績單、進修計劃書、推薦函及其他資料。
二、複試：初審通過始得參加，含筆試及口試。筆試科目：英文。


備註：本所另備專用申請表，請自本所網頁下載(詳附檔)，於報名時一併寄繳。


聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131#62229

參考資料：
附檔 1

國立清華大學95學年度博士班入學考試錄取名單

**本網路榜單僅供參考，以本校招生委員會公告為準**

正取生報到時間：95年6月15日上午9：00起至6月22日下午17：00，請詳閱報到須知。

0636 社會學研究所
正取共： 2 名　（依准考證號排列）
06360008 　 王雯君
06360014 　 陳晉煦

清華大學社會學研究所
2006 年博士班入學
英　語　測　驗（科目：3401）
【本考卷共三頁，三大題，請在答案卷上作答，並標明題號。】
一、Reading Comprehension（50 分）
請從每個題目中，選擇最適合的字詞，填入相應的位置。每題 5 分。
The selling of classical musicians by record companies and concert hall
managers is an enormously 1 business - which, however, is bound to affect
standards of performance adversely. In 1964 the Canadian pianist Glenn Gould,
who had been extremely successful as a concert musician, retired from live performing; until his death in 1982, he confined his work to records, radio and television. One of the reasons he gave for his decision was the distorting effect of the audience on his playing; he felt he had to keep 2 its attention by forcing the classical restraint of Bach"s polyphony into rhetorical emphases and stresses that did not really belong there. Nevertheless, all artists, producers and performers need an audience. The problem is how to 3 the inner obligations to one"s art with the outer claims of a society whose demand for satisfaction, entertainment and excitement cannot really be ignored.
4 a problem inevitably draws one into further reflection about whether
the issue of art and society can ever be resolved neatly, especially since substantial economic interests are so regularly 5 . The marketing apparatus now available to record companies and musical impresarios is so powerful that it can catapult a pianist or a singer from respectability into a career worth millions. No longer are artists 6 to be satisfied with doing their work quietly and conscientiously. If the film 7 can translate Mozart"s already considerable achievements into an endless number of tickets and tapes, if a record company can derive millions out of billing an unusual performer as “the world"s greatest,” there is a strong probability that some artists will be tempted to go after fame and reputation, whatever the cost to their artistic integrity. While it would be ridiculous to try to convert a mediocre talent into a Luciano Pavarotti or an Itzhak Perlman, there is good reason to suppose that both of those men have become superstars by sacrificing the nuances and refinements
Page 2
(2)
that other, less “successful” performers have stubbornly retained.
Joseph Horowitz"s massively detailed study, “Understanding Toscanini,”
provides a compelling argument that “the world’s greatest conductor” was a
8 American success story, an astonishingly gifted man who - thanks to RCA, to a
variety of what Mr. Horowitz calls “conservative popularizers” and “high culture populists,” as well as to an authoritarian and insecure musical personality - achieved an artistic quasi dictatorship in this country for almost 50 years. 9 his death in 1957, Arturo Toscanini"s reputation has diminished somewhat, partly because the proliferation of records and tapes has drawn attention to a large number of other conductors, partly because the demanding but unsatisfying standards Toscanini represented have been discredited. Yet, during the years of his greatest 10
(1937-54), as conductor of the NBC orchestra (which was created for him), Toscanini was like nothing else in American musical life - the subject of a cult whose uncontested rule, according to Mr. Horowitz, eliminated all rivals and made his every demand a law.
(Excerpts from Edward Said’s “Maestro for the Masses,” New York Times, March 8,1987.)
1. (a) losing; (b) lucrative; (c) pretty; (d) watered; (e) hard-working.
2. (a) embarrassing ; (b) wooing; (c) wondering; (d) puzzling; (e) baffling .
3. (a) punish ; (b) admire; (c) destroy; (d) annul; (e) balance.
4. (a) Such; (b) Of ; (c) About; (d) To; (e) From.
5. (a) on balance ; (b) from the air; (c) bottoms up; (d) at one’s will; (e) at stake.
6. (a) liking ; (b) likable; (c) likely; (d) unlikely; (e) likened.
7. (a) “Amadeus”; (b) “Matrix II”; (c) “Godfather III”; (d) “Piano”; (e) “Le bon
femmes.”
8. (a) largely; (b) small; (c) remaining; (d) pettily ; (e) impossibly.
9. (a) On ; (b) Beginning; (c) Since; (d) At; (e) Regarding.
10. (a) mobility; (b) fall ; (c) ascendancy; (d) notoriety; (e) descending.
二、請將下面文字翻譯成中文（35 分）
Page 3
(3)
1. 【提示：以下文字摘錄自 Trevor J. Pinch and Wiebe E. Bijker, “The Social
Construction of Facts and Artifacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the
Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other,” (1987) 一文。】（20 分）

One major—if not the major—development in the field [sociology of science] in thelast decade has been the extension of the sociology of knowledge into the arena of the“hard sciences.” The need for such a “strong programme” has been outlined by Bloor: Its central tenets are that, in investigating the causes of beliefs, sociologists should be impartial to the truth or falsity of the beliefs, and that such beliefs should be explained symmetrically. In other words, differing explanations should not be sought for what is taken to be a scientific “truth” (for example, the existence of x-rays) and a scientific “falsehood” (for example, the existence of n-rays). Within such a program all knowledge and all knowledge claims are to be treated as being socially constructed; that is, explanations for the genesis, acceptance, and rejection of knowledge claims are sought in the domain of the social world rather than in the natural world.

2. 【提示：以下文字摘錄自 Jean Baudrillard, For a Critique of the Political
Economy of the Sign, trans. Charles Levin (1981) 一書。】（15 分）

If fetishism exists it is thus not a fetishism of the signified, a fetishism of substances and values (called ideological), which the fetish object would incarnate for the alienated subject. Behind this reinterpretation (which is truly ideological) is a fetishism of the signifier. That is to say that the subject is trapped in the factitious, differential, encoded, systematized aspect of the object. It is not the passion (whether of objects or subjects) for substances that speaks in fetishism, it is the passion for the code.

三、請將下面文字翻譯成英文（15 分）
【以下文字摘錄自侯淑姿談自己的作品《猜猜你是誰？》（1998）】

我選擇性地訪問素未謀面的台南人，包括不同族群、宗教、年齡、教育背景、性
別，透過訪問瞭解他們的身分認同，訪談中，他們的生命經驗使我重新看待這塊
土地。他們的點滴故事與台南的歷史緊密相連、具體而微的道出族群與文化的消
長，我藉由影像記錄個體的生存樣態或某個時刻的外貌再現，並摘錄部分訪談詮
釋其身分認同。

參考資料：
附檔 1

國立清華大學社會學研究所95學年度博士班入學考試

初試合格名單11人

06360001 曹家榮
06360002 蘇淑冠
06360003 賴曉芬
06360005 林子新
06360008 王雯君
06360010 陳朝全
06360011 馮瓊瑩
06360014 陳晉煦
06360017 張書銘
06360020 關秀惠
06360022 陳炯志

＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝
國立清華大學社會學研究所95學年度博士班入學考試

複 試 流 程 表
《95年6月2日，星期五》


口 試 9:30開始 / 地點：人社院C203研討室

准考證號碼 姓 名 預 定 時 間
06360001 曹家榮 9:30~10:00
06360002 蘇淑冠 10:00~10:30
06360003 賴曉芬 10:30~11:00
休息 11:00~11:10
06360005 林子新 11:10~11:40
06360008 王雯君 11:40~12:10

中午休息 12:10~13:30

06360010 陳朝全 13:30~14:00
06360011 馮瓊瑩 14:00~14:30
06360014 陳晉煦 14:30~15:00

休息 15:00~15:10

06360017 張書銘 15:10~15:40
06360020 關秀惠 15:40~16:10
06360022 陳炯志 16:10~16:40

結 束


*請攜帶准考證及國民身份證正本（或以有效期限內之「護照」、「附加照片之全民健康
保險卡」或「汽、機車駕照」等證件正本代替），以備查驗。

95年博士班英文科筆試時間及地點


時間:95年5月19日(星期五)上午10:00~11:30

地點:人社院D203教室（不在人社院院館內）


（請走到人社院A區二樓， 人社院圖書分館大門， 從正對面直走出去，
在新整修好的小劇場玻璃門內 D203教室）



准考證號碼 06360001~ 06360025

(*抵免考 06360020 )

請攜帶准考證及身份證正本（或簡章規定等相關證件）以備查驗。

＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝
＊初試合格者，始得參加複試（口試）。
口試日期：95年6月2日(星期五)上午起（確定時間5/26會另發通知）
口試地點：清大人社院社會所C203研討室
＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝

如有疑問請電：03-5712090
03-5715131清大-62229社會所分機

社會所95學年度碩士班入學考複試錄取名單
**本網路榜單僅供參考，以本校招生委員會公告為準**

正取生報到時間更動為95年4月27日上午10：00起至5月3日下午17：00，
請詳閱報到須知。
　
0547 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)
正取共：8名　（依准考證號排列）
05470012 鄭郁彥 05470029 葉書宇 05470039 陳紫婷 05470061 李佩璇
05470077 張家綺 05470081 蕭伶伃 05470082 黃汝嬿 05470110 江浩
備取共：4名　（依名次排列）
05470070 李偉誠 1 05470074 汪長欣 2 05470011 胡力中 3 05470062 許文蕙 4
　
0548 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學程)
正取共：7名　(甄試缺額流用2名)（依准考證號排列）
05480013 林芷榕 05480014 于仁壽 05480015 謝銘元 05480017 黃書璇
05480035 曾秀琳 05480044 李悅晉 05480046 曾瑞霖
　

國立清華大學九十五學年度社會學研究所博士班招生
（以正式發售簡章內容為準）


招生名額：一般生5名
報名日期及注意事項：
1. 報名日期：95年4月28日9:00起至5月4日17:00止
2. 報名方式：一律網路報名
3. 簡章函購方式：簡章每份工本費新台幣50元整(郵政匯票， 匯票抬頭為「國立清華大學」)，函購請附貼足郵資(每份掛號郵資30元或限時掛號郵資37元，請自行依購買簡章份數貼足郵資)及填妥收件人姓名、地址、郵遞區號之大型信封一個 (B4大小)，寄至「新竹市光復路二段101號 國立清華大學招生組 收」，信封上須註明「函購博士班招生考試簡章」。
4. 簡章現場發售地點：本校大門口停車繳費窗口(上午7時至晚上10時)或行政大樓一樓招生組辦公室(上班時間內) 開始發售時間：即日起
5. 詢問招生考試相關事宜請撥(03)5731399、5731014、5712861；詢問註冊、入學就讀相關事宜請撥(03)5712334

審查資料：
1.大學及碩士班歷年成績單。
2.學力證件。
3.碩士論文或初稿。
4.進修計畫書。（最多5000字）
5.可提供自選作品至多二件。
6.三位教授推薦函。
7.抵免考英文證明文件正本。（無可免）

筆試科目：英文

成績計算方式：
第一階段（初試）初審（審查及筆試）佔100%
錄取總成績：第二階段考試（複試）第一階段總成績佔50%口試佔50%

筆試日期為5月19日。初試以審查及筆試方式進行。
初試結果於5月26日，由本所專函通知。口試日期為6月2日。

本所聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131轉62229

清華大學社會學研究所 95學年度碩士班招生考試公告

招生名額：甲組 8 名(含在職研究生) 乙組 5 名 (含在職研究生)

考試科目：

【初試】
甲組： 1.社會學理論 2.社會學(含社會研究法) 3.英文
乙組：1.下列科目任選一科: (1) 社會學(含社會研究法) (2)政治學 (3) 經濟學
2.當代中國 3.英文

【口試】
一、甲組為一般社會學組，參考書目請查閱本所網頁。

二、乙組為中國研究學程，參考書目請查閱本所網頁。
(一)本組係根據清華大學與中央研究院共同培訓研究生合作協議下之中國研究分 項學程而設置。
(二)本組畢業生由清大授與社會學碩士學位，並註明由清大與中研院共同授課等 相關申明。
(三)初試成績:選考科目佔 35%、當代中國佔35%、英文佔30%。

三、複試口試包括大學成績單及 1000字以內之讀書計畫及代表著作(無著作可免)。

四、口試所附之書面資料請於口試前三日寄達本所。


查詢電話:03-5712090 或03-5715131轉62229

清華大學「中國研究學程」招生公告

國立清華大學與中央研究院合辦之中國研究碩士學程（社會學研究所乙組），
本學年度（2006年春季）招生人數與科目如下，更正清大招生簡章上招生人數：
人數：9名（含在職生，錄取名額以招生委員會最後公告為主）


科目：

一、社會學（含研究法）、政治學、經濟學，任選一科 (35%)
二、當代中國 (35%)
三、英文 (30%)


報名與考試時間：

一、 報名時間：1/13~1/20
二、 初試：3/11
三、 複試：4/14


參考書目

一、 社會學

請參考社會所招生網頁http://wayne.cs.nthu.edu.tw/~iosoc/recruit/。

二、 經濟學

請參考一般經濟學原理教科書。

三、 政治學

1. Andrew Heywood著，楊日青等譯，1999。政治學新論。台北：韋伯文化事業出版社。
[英文原本Andrew Heywood, 1997. Politics, New York: St. Martin"s Press.]

2. Todd Landman著，周志杰譯，2002。比較政治的議題與途徑。台北：韋伯文化事業出版社。
[英文原本Todd Landman, 2000. Issues and Methods in Comparative Politics: An Introduction
London and New York: Routledge.]

3. Adam Przeworski, 1991. Democracy and the Market, New York: Cambridge University Press.

四、 當代中國

1. 邁斯納 (Maurice Meisner)，杜蒲譯，2005，《毛澤東的中國及其後：中華人民共和國史》
(Mao"s China and After: A History of the People"s Republic)，香港中文大學。

2. 史景遷 (Jonathan D. Spence) 著，溫洽溢譯，2001，《追尋現代中國（下）：從共產主義到市場經濟》，
臺北：時報。

3. Tony Saich, 2004. Governance and Politics of China. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

4. Kenneth Lieberthal, 1995. Governing China: from revolution through reform. W.W. Norton
（中譯本：李侃如著，楊淑娟譯，1998，治理中國：從革命到改革，國立編譯館。）

5. 王超華編，2004，《岐路中國》，聯經。

國立清華大學 95學年度 碩士班甄試 錄取名單

(※本網頁僅供參考，以本校招生委員會公告之榜單為準※)
正取生報到時間：94/12/15~94/12/21下午五點；請詳見入學前報到須知

0143 社會學研究所 一般社會學組

正取共：9 名　（依准考證號碼排列）

01430002 張敦為 01430006 胡紫寧 01430018 王珮瑩
01430020 許慈芮 01430022 周幃羿 01430023 張志宇
01430033 江順楠 01430034 韓采燕 01430037 黃新婷



備取共：2 名　（依備取名次排列）

01430007 林梵君 1 01430035 陳美鳳 2

=============================================================================


0144 社會學研究所 中國研究學程

正取共：3 名　（依准考證號碼排列）

01440002 謝芷廷 01440004 歐子綺 01440006 陶孟仟

2006年國立清華大學社會學研究所碩士班甄試筆試題目
（共有九頁）



Part I. 本段有三個短文，請回答每一個短文之後的是非和選擇題。

A. 下面的陳述是著名的勞動社會學者同時也是美國社會學會前任主席Michael Burawoy一篇提倡「公共社會學」的演說稿（Michael Burawoy 2004, “2004 Presidential Address: For public sociology,” in American Sociological Review, vol. 70 no. 1, p. 24）。請仔細閱讀並回答下列問題。.

The social sciences are not a melting pot of disciplines, because the disciplines represent different and opposed interests—first and foremost interests in the preservation of the grounds upon which their knowledge stands. Economics, as we know it today, depends on the existence of markets with an interest in their expansion, political science depends on the state with an interest in political stability, while sociology depends on civil society with an interest in the expansion of the social.
But what is civil society? For the purposes of my argument here we can define it as a product of late 19th. Century Western capitalism that produced associations, movements and publics that were outside both state and economy… This congeries of associational life is the unique standpoint of sociology so that when it disappears—Stalin’s Soviet Union, Hitler’s Germany, Pinochet’s Chile—sociology disappears too. When civil society flourishes—Perestroika （改革）Russia or late Apartheid （種族隔離）South Africa—so does sociology.
Sociology may be connected to society by an umbilical cord, but, of course, this is not to say sociology only studies civil society. Far from it. But it studies the state or the economy from the standpoint of civil society. Political sociology, for example, is not the same as political science. It examines the social preconditions of politics and the politicization of the social just as economic sociology is very different from economics, indeed it looks at what economists overlook, the social foundations of the market.

1. According to the article, when will sociology disappear in a specific society?
(1) when market expands;
(2) when state stabilizes;
(3) when Marx died;
(4) when the civil society ceases to exist.

2. It can be inferred from this article that sociology has an interest in preserving:
(1) the market;
(2) the neo-conservatism;
(3) the civil society;
(4) the Leninist party-state.

3. According to the article, which of the following statement is NOT correct?
(1) Sociology was the product of late 19th Century Western capitalism;
(2) Political sociology only examines the formal rules of the political system;
(3) Economic sociology investigates the social foundations of the market;
(4) Sociology studies the state or the market from the standpoint of civil society.


B. 下面文字來自社會學方法論著名學者Stinchcombe新書裡一段討論量化方法的段落，請仔細閱讀並回答下列問題。

The methods usually called “quantitative” in sociology have as their main technique eliminating the alternatives to a given simple causal theory that is weakly supported by an observed correlation, by examination of the relations among variables having relatively simple and abstract measures, such as can be created by a few survey questions. Such relations among variables are ordinarily collected mainly by surveys or other repetitive quantitative observations in “natural settings,” rather in laboratories. They do that elimination by showing that the pattern of partial correlations (or other partial regression coefficients) is not compatible with the alternative theories, but instead supports the simple causal theory at stake. They start,…, by showing that the presumed cause is at least correlated with the presumed effect. But although Hume in effect already said, “Correlation is not causation,” one of the possible theories that would product the observed correlation is that simple causal theory. Each time one eliminated one or more other theories of that correlation, one increases the likelihood of the simple causal theory. (Authur L. Stinchcombe 2005, The Logic of Social Research, p. 2-3)



4. According to the article, quantitative sociological research proceeds by _______ the alternatives that is not supported by the observed correlation. 根據前面的文字敘述，請問在____要填入下列哪一個詞:
(1) upholding;
(2) removing;
(3) choosing;
(4) enlivening.

5. （是非題）Whenever one fails to eliminate alternative theories of the observed correlation, one increases the confidence in one’s own causal theory.

6. （是非題）According to the paragraph, quantitative sociologists usually conduct research in laboratories, rather in “natural settings.”



C. 下面一段文字來自美國社會學評論上一篇討論俄羅斯市場轉型過程中的階級流動的論文 (Theodore P. Gerber and Hichael Hout 2004, “Tightening up: declining class mobility during Russia’s market transition,” in American Sociological Review, vol. 69 no. 5, p. 677)。請仔細閱讀，並回答下列問題。

Belying claims that class differences did not matter in the Soviet Union, the authors find that social origins did affect occupational opportunity during Russia’s Soviet period. But the transition from state socialism to a market economy tightened the link between origins and destinations. Men and women were equally constrained by their social origin, even though they faced significantly different opportunity structures in both periods. As the economic transformation took hold, fewer Russians experienced upward mobility and more were downwardly mobile. Political and economic transition, not the demographic replacement of retiring cohorts by younger ones, strengthened the association between origins and destinations. Career mobility during the 1990s took the form of a regression toward origins, as workers who had the most upward mobility during the Soviet era lost the most in the transition to markets, abetting the reproduction of the class structure across generations as they fell.


7. Career mobility during the 1990s in Russia ______ the reproduction of the class structure across generations.根據前面的文字敘述，請問在____要填入下列哪一個詞:
(1) assisted;
(2) hampered;
(3) decreased;
(4) dampened.

8. （是非題）According to authors’ finding, during Russia’s Soviet period, one’s social origins had nothing to do with one’s occupational opportunity.

9. The transition from state socialism to a market economy _____ the link between origins and destinations. 根據前面的文字敘述，請問在____要填入下列哪一個詞:
(1) loosened;
(2) mystified;
(3) strengthened;
(4) stigmatized.


10. According to the article, which of the following statement is CORRECT?
(1) Marketization of Russian economy has positively affected people’s upward mobility.
(2) Workers who had gotten ahead the most during the Soviet era experienced much downward mobility during Russia’s market transition.
(3) During both Soviet and post-Soviet era, men and women were differentially constrained by their class background with regarding to their job market performance.
(4) Political and economic transition increased the association between one’s social origin and destinations in Russia.

Part II. Reading Test: please read the following texts A and B, and answer the questions.

Text A.
Recently, society became a term of political controversy. Margaret Thatcher notoriously said that ‘there is no such thing as society. There are individual men and women, and there are families’(1987:10). Later she was to clarify that her meaning “was that society was not an abstraction, separate from the men and women who composed it, but a living structure of individuals, families, neighbors and voluntary associations….society for me was not an excuse, it was a source of obligation”(1993:626). Despite her antipathy to the term, she use it in two senses noted by Raymond Williams(1976:291). The first is a general one of the “body of institutions and relationships within which a relatively large group of people life.” But she also recognizes that society can be used as an abstract term for, as Williams put it, “the condition in which such institutions and relationships are formed,” as when, for example, we might say that ‘poverty is caused by society.’ While Thatcher rejects the possibility of abstraction, she enunciates one version: society as imposing moral obligations.

The images of society as an organism( “living structure”) and as a thing can be traced back to the early formalization of sociology and social science in the 19th century… Society was thought of, by thinkers such as Herbert Spencer and in social Darwinism as an organism with an evolution replicating that of biological species. Later Emile Durkheim (quoted in Frisby and Sayer, 1986:38) famously enjoined his readers to “consider social fact as things.” As sociology developed, it would nevertheless tend to reject the image of society as a supra-individual entity imposing itself on its members. However, in common speech, it is still possible to oppose “individual” and “society” in phrase such as conform to society or rebel against society. “Society” tends to survive more in the abstract sense of a quality that inheres in conditions, practices, institutions, and relationships and is indicated by the adjective social…

One of the more recent images of society is an association formed through agreement, consent, or contract. The idea is that society is an active unity of fellowship between human beings, an “assemble and consent of many in one” (Mirrour of Police, 1599). This is given theoretical form in social-contract theory, where relationships with a pre-political (and pre-social) form of existence, the state of nature (Weiner, 1973). The idea here is that the state is a precondition for general human association or friendship. Soon, however, “society,” or civil society, will come to refer to the activities and relations of individuals, households, and families, which existed independently of, and in some way opposed to, the political structures of the state…

The discovery of a civil society is related to ideas of civilization. Being the domain of the mode of living of free men, the relations (or “conversation”) between such men is regulated by more subtle rules or civility (as opposed to the laws of the sovereign), as in Charles I’s “Law of society and civil conversation” (1642). It was becoming possible in England and elsewhere in Europe in the 17th century to think of oneself as living in a civil or civilized society within the relative security of the territorial borders provided by the emerging state. It was also possible to expect a certain level of orderly conduct of other members of this society, given the development of practices of personal civilization such as etiquette and manners. The latter practices give rise to the specific sense of “society” as the leisured, cultured, or upper-class, found until recently in newspapers’ society pages…

In the 20th century, society lost its status as an object of scientific knowledge, as this came to be viewed as a “reification”(“thing-ification”) of a condition that obtained within all sorts of relations, institutions, and practices. For Max Weber, the object of sociology was not society but the interpretation of the meaning of social action, and from that time sociologists have been more comfortable studying social class, social relations, social interaction, and so on. In scholarly writings, society has moved from transcendental object to a property of relationships. The adjective “social” begins to describe the dimension of those relationships and practices that are thought to have their sources in society. We have institutions such as social welfare and social insurance… “Society” itself tends to be displaced by other abstractions around the word “modernity.” …… From the entry of Society, by Richard Johnson, in New Keywords

Questions:

11. According to the text, who said that : ‘there is no such thing as society. There are individual men and women, and there are families’?
(1) Emile Durkheim
(2) Herbert Spencer
(3) Raymond Williams
(4) Margaret Thatcher

12. Which of the following description matches the author’s idea of the image of society in social-contract theory?
(1) Society is an organism.
(2) Society is a unity that exists independently of the political order.
(3) Society is an active unity of fellowship between human beings.
(4) Society is a discursive construction.

13. Which of the following idea does not match the Durkheimian notion of ‘social facts as things’?
(1) The society is an active unity of fellowship between human beings.
(2) The society is an organism.
(3) The supra-individual existence of society.
(4) The evolving organism in social Darwinism.

14. According to the text, which of the following description about “civil society” is incorrect?
(1) The discovery of civil society is related to the idea of civilization.
(2) Society is a borderless university in the world.
(3) Citizens means the leisured, cultured, or upper-class.
(4) Society is within the territorial borders provided by the state.

15. In the text, who thinks that the object of sociology is the interpretation of the meaning of social action?
(1) Emile Durkheim
(2) Adam Smith
(3) Raymond Williams
(4) Max Weber

16. According to the text, how does the implication of the adjective ‘social’ change from the early formalization of sociology to nowadays usage?
(1) From the dimension of the relationships and practices that are thought to have their source in society to the abstract sense of a quality that inheres in conditions, practices, institutions, and relationships.
(2) From a fractured unity of independent of political structure to the dimension of the relationships and practices that are thought to have their source in society.
(3) From the dimension of the relationships and practices that are thought to have their source in society to a fractured unity of independent of political structure.
(4) From the abstract sense of a quality that inheres in conditions, practices, institutions, and relationships to the dimension of the relationships and practices that are thought to have their source in society.
Text B.
Construction is not an activity, but an act, one which happens once and whose effects are firmly fixed. Thus, constructivism is reduced to determinism and implies the evacuation or displacement of human agency.

This view informs the misreading by which Foucault is criticized for “personifying” power: if power is misconstrued as a grammatical and metaphysical subject, and if that metaphysical site within humanist discourse has been the privileged site of the human, then power appears to have displaced the human as the origin of activity. But if Foucault’s view of power is understood as the disruption and subversion of this grammar and metaphysics of the subject, if power orchestrates the formation and sustenance of subjects, then it cannot be accounted for in terms of the “subject” which is its effect... There is no power that acts, but only a reiterated acting that is power in its persistence and instability.

What I would propose in place of these conceptions of construction is a return to the notion of matter, not as site or surface, but as a process of materialization that stabilizes over time to product the effect of boundary, fixity, and surface we call matter. That matter is always materialized has, I think, to be thought in relation to the productive and, indeed, materializing effects of regulatory power in the Foucaultian sense. Thus, the question is no longer, How is gender constituted as and through a certain interpretation of sex? (a question that leaves the “matter” of sex untheorized), but rather, Through what regulatory norms is sex itself materialized? And how is it that treating the materiality of sex as a given presupposes and consolidates the normative conditions of its own emergence? ……From Bodies that matter, by Judith Butler

Questions:
17. Which of the following metaphor fits the author’s notion of matter best?
(1) A process
(2) A site
(3) A surface
(4) A subject

18. According to the author, what does the notion of matter mean in the context of sex differences?
(1) The construction of sex.
(2) The interpretation of sex.
(3) The materialization of sex.
(4) The instability of sex.

19. According to the author, why Foucault is criticized for personifying power?
(1) Because Foucault’s view of power is understood as a grammatical and metaphysical subject.
(2) Because Foucault’s view of power is understood as the regulatory effects of a disciplinary apparatus.
(3) Because Foucault’s view of power is understood as the micro-physics.
(4) Because Foucault’s view of power is understood as being productive and has no center.

20. Which of the following descriptions of sex differences is most compatible with the author’s idea of the materiality of sex?
(1) Sex differences are naturally given.
(2) Sex differences are social constructions.
(3) Sex differences are determined by the corporeality.
(4) Sex differences are produced in reiterated acting.

95學年社會所碩士班（甲組）甄試初審通過名單
     及複試通知

報名號碼 姓 名
01430002 張敦為
01430006 胡紫寧
01430007 林梵君
01430015 陳雨君
01430018 王珮瑩
01430020 許慈芮
01430022 周幃羿
01430023 張志宇
01430024 江浩
01430029 施心如
01430033 江順楠
01430034 韓采燕
01430035 陳美鳳
01430037 黃新婷
=======================================================================

清華大學社會學研究所碩士班
九十五學年度甄試（甲組）複試流程表
複試日期：94年11月25日（週五）
複試地點：清華大學人文社會學院
筆 試：人社院C204教室
口 試：人社院C306室

項 目 時 間
英 文 筆 試 8:30~9:30AM
口 試
准考證號01430002張敦為 9:40~10:00AM
准考證號01430006胡紫寧 10:00~10:20AM
准考證號01430007林梵君 10:20~10:40AM
准考證號01430015陳雨君 10:40~11:00AM
准考證號01430018王珮瑩 11:00~11:20AM
准考證號01430020許慈芮 11:20~11:40AM
准考證號01430022周幃羿 11:40~12:00AM
午 餐 時 間 12:00~1:30
准考證號01430023張志宇 1:30~1:50PM
准考證號01430024江浩 1:50~2:10PM
准考證號01430029施心如 2:10~2:30PM
准考證號01430033江順楠 2:30~2:50PM
准考證號01430034韓采燕 2:50~3:10PM
休 息 時 間 3:10~3:30
准考證號01430035陳美鳳 3:30~3:50PM
准考證號01430037黃新婷 3:50~4:10PM
結 束

1、請攜帶准考證或身份證應試。
2、本所將為有需要之考生準備中午便當，請於筆試後教室黑板上
 登記。
3、輪到口試前20分鐘，請先在會場外等候。
4、任何疑問請來電03-5712090或03-5715131 ext.34528洽詢。

95學年社會所碩士班（乙組）甄試初審通過名單
     及複試通知

01440001 陳國暉
01440002 謝芷廷
01440003 林嘉章
01440004 歐子綺
01440006 陶孟仟
01440007 趙芳儀
＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝
清華大學社會學研究所碩士班
九十五學年度甄試（乙組）複試流程表
複試日期：94年11月25日（週五）
複試地點：清華大學人文社會學院
筆 試：人社院C204教室
口 試：人社院C203室

項 目 時 間
英 文 筆 試 8:30~9:30AM

口試 下午2:00 開始


口試
准考證號01440001陳國暉 2:00~2:20PM
准考證號01440002謝芷廷 2:20~2:40PM
准考證號01440003林嘉章 2:40~3:00PM
准考證號01440004歐子綺 3:00~3:20PM
准考證號01440006陶孟仟 3:20~3:40PM
准考證號01440007趙芳儀 3:40~4:00PM

結 束

1、請攜帶准考證或身份證應試。
2、本所將為有需要之考生準備中午便當，請於筆試後教室黑板上
 登記。
3、輪到口試前20分鐘，請先在會場外等候。
4、任何疑問請來電03-5712090或03-5715131 ext. 34528洽詢。

清華大學社會學研究所 95學年度碩士班甄試辦法

招生名額：甲組（一般社會學組）招收九名（含在職生），乙組（中國研究學組）招收六名（含在職生）。

系所自定之報名條件：無。

系所指定繳交資料：
1、專用申請表；2、進修計劃書；3、代表作品（不超過2件；不限文字作品，）；4、推薦函二封。(推薦函由推薦者逕寄本所招生委員會)

甄試方式及項目：
一、初審：審查成績單、進修計劃書、推薦函及其他資料。
二、複試：初審通過始得參加，含筆試及口試。筆試科目：英文。

成績計算方式：錄取總成績：複試口試70%，筆試30%。

備註：本所另備專用申請表，請自本所網頁下載(詳附檔)，於報名時一併寄繳。
複試日期：94年11月25日

聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131#4528

參考資料：
申請表

清華大學社會學研究所
2005年博士班入學
英 語 測 驗（科目：3401）


【共三大題，請在答案卷上作答，並標明題號。】
一、請仔細閱讀下文有關教宗若望保祿二世去世後的報導，針對文中每一個畫底線的單字，選出與其意思最相近的答案，共十小題，每題4分，共40分。
（1） deteriorating:（a）shining；（b）degenerating；（c）presiding；（d）wavering.
（2） detractors: （a）traitors；（b）competitors；（c）fans；（d）slanderers.
（3） reign:（a）power；（b）tyranny； （c）rule；（d）charisma.
（4） evangelism: （a）journalism；（b）litany；（c）crusading zeal；（d）summon.
（5） exhorting: （a）inciting；（b）decrying；（c）crushing；（d）enchanting.
（6） synagogue: （a）Moslem temple；（b）Jewish congregation；（c）Anglican communion；（d）Catholic communion.
（7） bigotry: （a）commitment；（b）hatred；（c）intolerance；（d）reverence.
（8） celibacy:（a）chastity；（b）sensuality；（c）sexuality；（d）perseverance.
（9） budge: （a）economize；（b）liberate；（c）tolerate；（d）yield.
（10） intransigence: （a）intelligence；（b）incompetence；（c）endurance ；（d） obstinacy.


Over the final stretch of his remarkable life, Pope John Paul II could not really walk, struggled to talk and trembled violently at times, deteriorating before the eyes of the world
to a point where he seemed, as his spokesman once said, to be "a soul pulling a body."
But that portrait of physical weakness contradicted a career of astonishing vitality and formidable ambition that redefined the papacy, reshaped the Roman Catholic Church and riveted the attention of admirers and detractors alike.
The scope and significance of John Paul"s reign can be measured not only in numbers: more than 26 years as the titular leader of an estimated one billion Roman Catholics worldwide made him either the third- or second-longest-serving pope in history, depending on who did the counting and how.
It can also be measured in his deeds and words, his unwavering convictions and fervent evangelism, his ceaseless travels and repeated intersections with history.
John Paul, the former Cardinal Karol Wojtyla, became the first non-Italian pope in more than 450 years when he was elected by the College of Cardinals on the night of Oct. 16, 1978, and emerged on the central balcony of St. Peter"s Basilica to greet the world.
He had come from Poland, and some historians say that by subsequently exhorting fellow Poles and others under the grip of the Soviet Union to reject what he cast as an oppressive ideology, he helped to bring about the collapse of Soviet and European Communism.
He was to some degree unbound by tradition and in some ways he led the church in surprising directions. He was the first pope to enter and pray in a synagogue and a mosque, and in 1998 he publicly apologized for the failure of many Catholics to help Jews during the Holocaust. He followed that with an even more sweeping apology for a litany of sins that encompassed the church"s role in religious bigotry toward, and the historic oppression of, Jews, immigrants, women and other groups. He was in one sense steadfastly determined to repair rifts and build bridges.
But he was also a divisive, polarizing figure, adamantly wedded to traditional church teachings and politically conservative positions on many social issues. He resisted and rejected calls from progressive Catholics for the ordination of women and for an end to the vow of celibacy for priests.
Many of those progressives cited his refusal to budge as one reason that more and more Catholics drifted away from church attendance, and as one explanation for the church"s diminished influence in Western Europe and the United States.
But what some Catholics saw as intransigence, others saw as principled, passionate and eloquent idealism.



二、請將下面文字翻譯成中文（30分）
【提示：以下文字撿選自法國社會學家Pierre Bourdieu的Logic of Pracitce一書。】
One has to escape from the realism of the structure, to which objectivism, a necessary stage in breaking with primary experience and constructing the objective relationships, necessarily leads when it hypostatizes these relations by treating them as realities already constituted outside of the history of the group－without falling back into subjectivism, which is quite incapable of giving an account of the necessity of the social world. To achieve this, one has to return to practice, the site of the dialectic of the objectified products and the incorporated products of the historical practice；of structures and habitus. The habitus－embodied history, internalized as second nature and so forgotten as history－the active presence of the whole past of which it is the product. As such, it is what gives practices their relative autonomy with respect to external determinations of the immediate present.


三、請將下面文字翻譯成英文（30分）
【提示：樟腦＝camphor；裙帶資本主義＝crony capitalism】
全球化對台灣而言，並不是全新的經驗。當十七世紀歐洲國家，西班牙、荷蘭和後來的英國，逐步在全球各地建立殖民地，台灣的糖、茶、與樟腦，也沿著第一波全球化所形成的貿易通路，來到歐洲。二次大戰之後，台灣有了第二次的全球化體驗。藉由充沛而低廉的勞動力，台灣的加工產品出口到世界各國。加工出口區的女工、提著公事包走遍世界的商人，這是許多台灣及工業後進國家共有的故事。然而，成長的背後往往也隱藏許多陰暗的故事，舉凡勞工的剝削、環境的破壞，甚至「裙帶資本主義」的形成，都在在反噬了成長的果實，這也是許多東亞國家共同的宿命。

國立

**本網路榜單僅供參考，以本校公告為準**

正取生網路報到時間為94年6月16日上午9：00起至6月23日下午17：00，請詳閱報到須知。

0634 社會學研究所

正取共： 5 名　（依准考證號排列）

06340010 許雅淑 06340012 李宗義 06340013 萬毓澤

06340018 王梅香 06340026 周雅淳


備取共： 4 名　（依名次排列）


06340005 黃泰山 1 06340024 李拓梓 2 06340008 王家憲 3

06340003 王雯君 4

清華大學社會學研究所 94學年度碩士班招生考試公告

招生名額：甲組 9 名(含在職研究生) 乙組10名 (含在職研究生)

考試科目：

【初試】
甲組： 1.社會學理論 2.社會學(含社會研究法) 3.英文
乙組：1.下列科目任選一科: (1) 社會學(含社會研究法) (2)政治學 (3) 經濟學
2.當代中國 3.英文

【口試】
一、甲組為一般社會學組，參考書目請查閱本所網頁。

二、乙組為中國研究學程，參考書目請查閱本所網頁。
(一)本組係根據清華大學與中央研究院共同培訓研究生合作協議下之中國研究分 項學程而設置。
(二)本組畢業生由清大授與社會學碩士學位，並註明由清大與中研院共同授課等 相關申明。
(三)初試成績:選考科目佔 35%、當代中國佔35%、英文佔30%。

三、複試口試包括大學成績單及 1000字以內之讀書計畫及代表著作(無著作可免)。

四、口試所附之書面資料請於口試前三日寄達本所。


查詢電話:03-5712090 或03-5715131轉4528

國立清華大學九十四學年度社會學研究所博士班招生
（以正式發售簡章內容為準）


招生名額：一般生5名
報名日期及注意事項：
1. 報名日期：94年4月29日9:00起至5月5日17:00止
2. 報名方式：一律網路報名
3. 簡章函購方式：簡章每份工本費新台幣50元整(郵政匯票， 匯票抬頭為「國立清華大學」)，函購請附貼足郵資(每份掛號郵資30元或限時掛號郵資37元，請自行依購買簡章份數貼足郵資)及填妥收件人姓名、地址、郵遞區號之大型信封一個 (B4大小)，寄至「新竹市光復路二段101號 國立清華大學招生組 收」，信封上須註明「函購博士班招生考試簡章」。
4. 簡章現場發售地點：本校大門口停車繳費窗口(上午7時至晚上10時)或行政大樓一樓招生組辦公室(上班時間內) 開始發售時間：即日起
5. 詢問招生考試相關事宜請撥(03)5731399、5731014、5712861；詢問註冊、入學就讀相關事宜請撥(03)5712334

審查資料：
1.大學及碩士班歷年成績單。
2.學力證件。
3. 碩士論文或初稿。
4.進修計畫書。（最多5000字）
5.可提供自選作品至多二件。
6.三位教授推薦函。
7.抵免考英文證明文件正本。（無可免）

筆試科目：英文

成績計算方式：
第一階段（初試）初審（審查及筆試）佔100%
錄取總成績：第二階段考試（複試）第一階段總成績佔50%口試佔50%

筆試日期為5月20日。初試以審查及筆試方式進行。
初試結果於5月27日，由本所專函通知。口試日期為6月3日。

本所聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131轉4528
網路簡章

九十四學年度 社會所碩士班入學考試初試合格名單 2005/4/21 (公告者：所辦) 修改


國立清華大學九十四學年度
社會所碩士班入學考試
初試合格名單
**本網路榜單僅供參考，以本校公告為準**
0546 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)
初試合格共：15名　（依准考證號排列）
05460002 吳安哲 05460008 葉璟慧 05460011 蔡虹音 05460015 林柏儀
05460019 朱美怡 05460027 王紹霖 05460035 黃愷橙 05460042 歐淑菁
05460045 張譽馨 05460046 謝妙勤 05460054 高于琳 05460055 楊秋娟
05460062 朱明華 05460064 李盈慧 05460067 彭嘉麗

0547 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學組)
初試合格共：18名　（依准考證號排列）
05470002 許容榕 05470003 劉嫈楓 05470004 白博文 05470005 王修身
05470006 曾雅儒 05470009 陳慧萍 05470013 李世皓 05470015 何秀玲
05470016 劉仕傑 05470017 劉碧峨 05470020 王垠 05470021 李尚林
05470024 陳又綺 05470029 詹為元 05470035 康崇旗
05470037 劉兆崑 05470039 鄭惠元 05470047 陶逸駿

國立清華大學 九十四學年度社會所碩士班甄試錄取名單 2004/12/9

碩士班甄試錄取名單
(※本網頁僅供參考，以本校招生委員會公告之榜單為準※)
正取生報到時間：93/12/13~93/12/20；請詳見入學前報到須知
0142 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)


正取共：9 名　（依准考證號碼排列）
01420002 黃湘雰　 01420003 陳書芳 　01420005 何經懋 　
01420009 劉介修 01420026 李立偉　 01420036 洪薇嵐
01420037 林意淳 　01420042 陳泰尹 01420046 陳奐宇

94學年社會所碩士班甄試初審通過名單及複試通知 2004/11/18 (公告者：所辦)

清華大學社會學研究所
九十四學年度甄試初審通過名單(十七位）

准考證號01420001許郁青
准考證號01420002黃湘雰
准考證號01420003陳書芳
准考證號01420005何經懋
准考證號01420009劉介修
准考證號01420011李長瀚
准考證號01420016張鈺婕

准考證號01420025錢怡安
准考證號01420026李立偉
准考證號01420030方玉如
准考證號01420036洪薇嵐
准考證號01420037林意淳

准考證號01420040蔡博雅
准考證號01420042陳泰尹
准考證號01420043馮靖惠
准考證號01420045林伯儀
准考證號01420046陳奐宇

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
清華大學社會學研究所
九十四學年度甄試入學複試流程表


複試日期：93年11月26日（週五）
複試地點：清華大學人文社會學院（人社院C區2樓）
英文筆試：人社院C205教室
口 試：人社院C203教室

項 目  時 間 地  點
英文筆試 8:30~9:30AM 人社院C205教室

口 試  人社院C203教室

准考證號01420001許郁青 9:40~10:00AM
准考證號01420002黃湘雰 10:00~10:20AM
准考證號01420003陳書芳 10:20~10:40AM
准考證號01420005何經懋 10:40~11:00AM
准考證號01420009劉介修 11:00~11:20AM
准考證號01420011李長瀚 11:20~11:40AM
准考證號01420016張鈺婕 11:40~12:00AM
午 餐 時 間 12:00~1:30
准考證號01420025錢怡安 1:30~1:50PM
准考證號01420026李立偉 1:50~2:10PM
准考證號01420030方玉如 2:10~2:30PM
准考證號01420036洪薇嵐 2:30~2:50PM
准考證號01420037林意淳 2:50~3:10PM
休 息 時 間 下午 3:10~3:30
准考證號01420040蔡博雅 3:30~3:50PM
准考證號01420042陳泰尹 3:50~4:10PM
准考證號01420043馮靖惠 4:10~4:30PM
准考證號01420045林伯儀 4:30~4:50PM
准考證號01420046陳奐宇 4:50~5:10PM

1、請攜帶准考證或身份證應試。
2、本所將為有需要之考生準備中午便當，請於筆試後教室黑板上
 登記。
3、輪到口試前20分鐘，請先在會場外等候。
4、任何疑問請來電03-5712090或03-5715131 ext. 4528洽詢。

＊交通須知

搭公共汽車來新竹，請在下交流道後的第二站（即清大站）下車。
自行驅車前來，在新竹交流道下，往新竹市方向（往西）走，約四、五分鐘可抵清大校門。

清大校區呈狹長型，您若抵達清大站，請從校門口往內的方向直行，
（1）步行約二十分鐘，抬頭可見前方有一高聳的鐘塔，連著鐘塔那座建築物就是人文社會學院。或（2）於進校門口30公尺右側處有校園公車站牌，搭至終點站即為人文社會學院。

清華大學社會學研究所 94學年度碩士班甄試辦法

招生名額：甲組（一般社會學組）招收九名（含在職生），乙組（中國研究學組）不辦理甄試。

系所自定之報名條件：無。

系所指定繳交資料：
1、專用申請表；2、進修計劃書；3、代表作品（不超過2件；不限文字作品，）；4、推薦函二封。(推薦函由推薦者逕寄本所招生委員會)

甄試方式及項目：
一、初審：審查成績單、進修計劃書、推薦函及其他資料。
二、複試：初審通過始得參加，含筆試及口試。筆試科目：英文。

成績計算方式：錄取總成績：複試口試70%，筆試30%。

簡章發售：93年10月7日起。

通訊報名日期：93年10月22日至10月28日，一律網路報名，審查資料10月28日之前由考生掛號逕寄本校招生委員會（以國內郵戳為憑）。

初審日期：最遲93年11月1２日之前完成。

複試日期：最遲93年1１月2６日之前完成。

備註：本所另備專用申請表，請自本所網頁下載(詳附檔)，於報名時一併寄繳。
網址：http://wayne.cs.nthu.edu.tw/~iosoc/

聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131#4528


參考資料：
附檔 1 -

參考資料：
附檔 1

國立清華大學社會學研究所93學年度博士班入學考試

複 試 流 程 表
《93年5月28日，星期五》


口 試 10:00開始 / 地點：人社院C306研討室
准考證號碼 姓 名 預 定 時 間
06330003 鄭傑憶 10:00~10:30
06330004 吳復華 10:30~11:00
06330014 蔡郁崇 11:00~11:30
06330015 莊景同 11:30~12:00

中午休息 12:00~13:00

06330017 彭琳淞 13:00~13:30
06330018 林柏里 13:30~14:00
06330021 潘幸玫 14:00~14:30
06330026 郭瑞坤 14:30~15:00

結 束


*請攜帶准考證及國民身份證正本（或以有效期限內之「護照」、「附加照片之全民健康保險卡」或「汽、機車駕照」等證件正本代替），以備查驗。

國立清華大學社會學研究所93學年度博士班入學考試
初試通過名單 8名

(依准考證號碼排列)


准考證號碼 姓 名
06330003 鄭傑憶
06330004 吳復華
06330014 蔡郁崇
06330015 莊景同
06330017 彭琳淞
06330018 林柏里
06330021 潘幸玫
06330026 郭瑞坤

國立清華大學九十三學年度碩士班入學考試複試錄取名單
本網頁僅供參考，正式榜單以學校招生委員會公告為準

※下列名單正取(初試合格)依准考證號排列、備取依備取名次排序※

0553 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)
正取共：9名　（依准考證號排列）
05530004 李岳穎 05530010 周群英 05530012 姚光祖 05530013 王啟仲
05530014 陳怡帆 05530020 王盈智 05530032 王志傑 05530035 朱華瑄
05530053 黃華彥

備取共：2名　（依名次排列）
05530043 楊鎮宇 1 05530065 邱淑芬 2

0554 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學組)
正取共：10名　（依准考證號排列）
05540001 詹豐榮 05540013 江雨潔 05540016 王善嬿 05540041 潘維庭
05540046 陳毓婷 05540055 邱銘哲 05540058 黃郁芩 05540075 張貴閔
05540089 朱祐蒂 05540108 彭昉

備取共：1名　（依名次排列）
05540059 鄭世偉 1

93年博士班英文科考試

時間:93年5月14日(星期五)上午8:30~10:00

地點:人社院C403A教室

准考證號碼 06330001~ 063300028

國立清華大學社會學研究所93學年度碩士班招生考試

【甲組】複 試 流 程 表
《93年5月7日，星期五》

口 試 9:00開始 / 地點：人社院C306研討室
准考證號碼 姓 名 預 定 時 間
05530004 李岳穎 9:00~9:15
05530009 倪家欣 9:15~9:30
05530010 周群英 9:30~9:45
05530012 姚光祖 9:45~10:00
05530013 王啟仲 10:00~10:15
05530014 陳怡帆 10:15~10:30
休 息 10:30~10:45

05530019 謝亞君 10:45~11:00
05530020 王盈智 11:15~11:30
05530028 李宛儒 11:30~11:45
05530032 王志傑 11:45~12:00
中午休息 12:00~13:30

05530035 朱華瑄 13:30~13:45
05530043 楊鎮宇 13:45~14:00
05530046 劉依依 14:00~14:15
05530053 黃華彥 14:15~14:30
05530061 杜思誠 14:30~14:45
05530065 邱淑芬 14:45~15:00
結 束 15:00~

※1.請複試之考生攜帶通知單、准考證或其他依規定應攜帶之身分證明文件。
※2.請提供大學成績單、1000字以內之讀書計劃及代表著作（無可免）
各一份，於5月5日前寄達本所，供複試當日口試委員參考。
※3.本通知於本日另以限時掛號寄出。

國立清華大學社會學研究所93學年度碩士班招生考試

【乙組】複 試 流 程 表
《93年5月7日，星期五》

口 試 9:00開始 / 地點：人社院C203研討室
准考證號碼 姓 名 預 定 時 間
05540001 詹豐榮 9:00~9:15
05540013 江雨潔 9:15~9:30
05540014 吳弘奎 9:30~9:45
05540016 王善嬿 9:45~10:00
05540022 魏宏倫 10:00~10:15
05540041 潘維庭 10:15~10:30
休 息 10:30~10:45

05540046 陳毓婷 10:45~11:00
05540050 周怡均 11:15~11:30
05540055 邱銘哲 11:30~11:45
05540058 黃郁芩 11:45~12:00
中午休息 12:00~13:30

05540059 鄭世偉 13:30~13:45
05540067 洪淑秋 13:45~14:00
05540075 張貴閔 14:00~14:15
05540089 朱祐蒂 14:15~14:30
05540108 彭 昉 14:30~14:45
結 束 14:45~


※1.請複試之考生攜帶通知單、准考證或其他依規定應攜帶之身分證明文件。
※2.請提供大學成績單及1000字以內之讀書計劃各一份，於5月5日前寄達本
所，供複試當日口試委員參考。
※3.本通知於本日另以限時掛號寄出。
　 　　 　　 　　

0553 社會學研究所 甲組(一般社會學組)
初試合格共：16名　（依准考證號排列）
05530004 李岳穎　05530009 倪家欣　05530010 周群英 05530012 姚光祖　
05530013 王啟仲　05530014 陳怡帆 05530019 謝亞君　05530020 王盈智
05530028 李宛儒 05530032 王志傑　05530035 朱華瑄　05530043 楊鎮宇
05530046 劉依依　05530053 黃華彥　05530061 杜思誠 05530065 邱淑芬

　　
0554 社會學研究所 乙組(中國研究學組)
初試合格共：15名　（依准考證號排列）
05540001 詹豐榮　05540013 江雨潔　05540014 吳弘奎 05540016 王善嬿　
05540022 魏宏倫　05540041 潘維庭 05540046 陳毓婷　05540050 周怡均　
05540055 邱銘哲 05540058 黃郁芩　05540059 鄭世偉　05540067 洪淑秋
05540075 張貴閔　05540089 朱祐蒂　05540108 彭昉

*以學校招生組公佈為準

國立清華大學社會學研究所九十三學年度博士班入學考試招生公告
【詳細情況請上網：http://my.nthu.edu.tw/~adms/（點選左欄：博士班→一般招生）】

一、報名日期及方式：93年4月22日8：00至4月28日17：00止，一律網路報名，ATM轉帳繳費。

二、考試日期：第一階段初試(需初試之系所)：5月14日。　第二階段複試及考試：5月28、29、30日。(各系所排定日期詳見簡章)

三、簡章取得方式：

◎現場購買：(一)本校光復路大門口收費亭(7：00~22：00)　(二)本校行政大樓一樓招生組辦公室(上班時間內)

◎函購：
(一)請附：1.貼足郵資之大型回郵信封一個 (平信10元、限時17元、掛號30元、限時掛號37元一次購買多份請另行增加郵資)　2.簡章工本費50元(現金或匯票，匯票抬頭請寫「國立清華大學」)　3.請將以上二項寄至「新竹市光復路二段101號 招生組收」，信封上並請註明[購買博士班簡章]。
(二)大批函購請逕洽本校招生組錢小姐03-5731014。
(三)以平信及限時函購博士班簡章，寄件途中造成遺失本組概不負責。

◎網路下載：http://my.nthu.edu.tw/~adms/

四、其他事宜：
一、詢問招生考試及報到相關事項請洽本校招生組：(03)5731014、5731399、5731398、5731385。
二、詢問註冊入學相關事項請洽本校註冊組：(03)5731397、5731012。

*******

社會學研究所博士班
招生名額：5名
----------------------------------------------------------------
筆試科目：英 文
----------------------------------------------------------------
一、審查：就英文成績暨各項資料加以審查，佔50%。
二、口試：審查及格者始可參加口試，口試佔50%。
三、2年內托福550分（新制213分）以上抵免考英文，證明正本於報名時繳交。
----------------------------------------------------------------
審查
報名應繳交之資料：
1. 報名表
2. 大學及碩士班歷年成績單。
3. 學力證件。
4. 碩士論文或初稿。
5. 進修計劃書，最多5000字。
6. 可提供自選作品至多二件。
7. 三位教授推薦函。

以正式公佈簡章為準
----------------------------------------------------------------
系所別
社會學研究所博士班
----------------------------------------------------------------
招生名額
5名
----------------------------------------------------------------
筆試科目
英 文
----------------------------------------------------------------
備 註
一、審查：就英文成績暨各項資料加以審查，佔50%。
二、口試：審查及格者始可參加口試，口試佔50%。
三、2年內托福550分以上抵免考英文，證明正本於報名時繳交。
----------------------------------------------------------------
網 址 http://140.114.79.80/~iosoc
----------------------------------------------------------------
查詢電話 03-5712090或03-5715131轉4528
----------------------------------------------------------------
審查
報名應繳交之資料：
1. 報名表
2. 大學及碩士班歷年成績單。
3. 學力證件。
4. 碩士論文或初稿。
5. 進修計劃書，最多5000字。
6. 可提供自選作品至多二件。
7. 三位教授推薦函。

九十三學年度社會學研究所碩士班甄試榜單

正取共九名(依報名號碼排列)

01440011鄭筑羚
01440012吳偉立
01440017林怡璇
01440022周逸民
01440033蔡宜紋
01440034林子新
01440038李怡慧
01440052游璟蓉
01440063張歆宜

備取一名
01440059李佩穎

清華大學社會學研究所 93學年度碩士班甄試辦法

招生名額：甲組（一般社會學組）招收九名（含在職生），乙組（中國研究學組）不辦理甄試。

系所自定之報名條件：無。

系所指定繳交資料：
1、專用申請表；2、進修計劃書；3、代表作品（不超過2件；不限文字作品，）；4、推薦函二封。

甄試方式及項目：
一、初審：審查成績單、進修計劃書、推薦函及其他資料。
二、複試：初審通過始得參加，含筆試及口試。筆試科目：英文。

成績計算方式：錄取總成績：複試口試70%，筆試30%。

簡章發售：92年10月2日起。

通訊報名日期：92年10月22日至10月28日，一律網路報名，審查資料10月28日之前由考生逕寄本校招生委員會（以國內郵戳為憑）。

初審日期：最遲92年11月12日之前完成。

複試日期：最遲92年11月26日之前完成。

備註：本所另備專用申請表，請自本所網頁下載(詳附檔)，於報名時一併寄繳。網址：http://140.114.79.80/~iosoc
推薦函由推薦者逕寄本所招生委員會。
聯絡電話：03-5712090或03-5715131#4528

參考資料：
附檔 1

本所92學年招生考試之報名人數統計資料

甲組：63人（一般生63人；在職生0人）
乙組：195人（一般生188人；在職生7人）
（選考科目人數統計：社會學：65人，政治學：65人，經濟學：65人）

清華大學社會學研究所92學年度招生考試公告

甲組（一般社會學組）
一、招生名額：9名(含在職研究生)
二、考試科目：
【初試】
1.社會學
2.社會學理論
3.社會研究法
【複試】
1.英文筆試
2.口試

乙組（中國研究學組）
一、招生名額：10名(含在職研究生)
二、考試科目
【初試】
1.下列科目任選一科： (１)社會學、(２)政治學、(３)經濟學
2.英文
【複試】
口試

備註
1.本所自九十二學年度增設「中國研究學組」： 該組係根據清華大學與中央研究院共同培訓研究生合作協議下之中國研究分項學程而設立。該組畢業生由清大授與社會學碩士學位，並註明由清大與中研院共同授課等相關說明。

2.一般社會學組之參考書目請查閱本所網頁(網址:http://140.114.79.80/%7Eiosoc/recruit/reference.php)。

查詢電話:03-5712090 或03-5715131轉4528

http://academic.ad.nthu.edu.tw/asp/news.asp

清華大學社會學研究所九十二學年度甄試入學複試流程表

複試日期：91年12月6日（週五）
複試地點：清華大學人文社會學院C區

英文筆試：人社院C205教室 / 08:30~09:30AM
口 試：人社院C306室
報名號碼430003 09:40~10:00AM
報名號碼430005 10:00~10:20AM
報名號碼430006 10:20~10:40AM
報名號碼430007 10:40~11:00AM
報名號碼430008 11:00~11:20AM
報名號碼430012 11:20~11:40AM
報名號碼430015 11:40~12:00AM
午 餐 時 間
報名號碼430016 13:30~13:50PM
報名號碼430021 13:50~14:10PM
報名號碼430026 14:10~14:30PM
報名號碼430029 14:30~14:50PM
報名號碼430031 14:50~15:10PM
休 息 時 間
報名號碼430034 15:30~15:50PM
報名號碼430041 15:50~16:10PM
報名號碼430044 16:10~16:30PM
報名號碼430045 16:30~16:50PM
報名號碼430046 16:50~17:10PM
報名號碼430047 17:10~17:30PM
口 試 結 束

注意事項：
1、請攜帶學生證或身份證應試。
2、本所將為有需要之考生準備中午便當，請事先來電告知。
3、可於校門口搭乘校園公車，至終點站「人文社會學院」下車。
4、輪到口試前20分鐘，請先在會場外等候。
5、任何疑問請來電03-5712090或03-5715131ext4528洽詢。

國立清華大學社會學研究所 92學年度招生公告

本所主要研究方向
================

本所原為「社會人類學研究所」之中的「社會學組」，自八十七學年起獨立成為社會學研究所。在研究與教學上，一方面承接來自歐西社會學的學術傳統，另方面就本地的社會形態展開自本自根的研究，因此從古典社會學理論、後現代情境的論述到在地現象的探討及在地資源的利用，都是本所教學研究的基本方向。其中，以跨領域研究作為打開新典範的嘗試，是清華大學社會學研究群形成以來一貫秉持的信念，我們以此號召有志參與此一學術饗宴的青年學子來此共襄盛舉。除教師自發的學術研究外，藉師生共同討論而促發新的研究議題，亦是本所一大特色。

以目前開課及研究計劃所涵蓋的範圍而言，本所著重的研究領域可概分如下：

一、社會學傳統面向：

古典社會學理論、社會學方法論、政治社會學、經濟社會學、知識社會學、社會心理學、國家理論、發展理論、民主理論、階級理論、社會階層、社會運動、集體行為、公共領域、族群關係、勞動過程、福利國家、工業社會學、都市社會學、台灣社會、民族主義、區域研究專題等等。

二、跨領域研究面向：

文化理論、社會符號學、媒體理論、社會建構理論、市民社會、日常生活的社會學、文化政治、文化的精神分析、文化心理學、空間與社會、技術社會學、網路社會學、環境社會學、科技發展的政治社會學評估、經濟與文化、視覺社會學、女性主義理論、性的精神分析、婦女與國家、婦女與工作、性別、社會與文化、性別與政治、性別、身體與權力、宗教社會學、宗教心理學、巫術與科學等等。


師 資
================

《專任》

周碧娥□ 美國賓州州立大學社會學博士□ 婦女/性別研究、社會研究

張維安□ 東海大學社會學博士□ 經濟社會學、資訊社會學、社會理論

李丁讚□ 美國威斯康辛（麥迪遜）大學社會學博士□ 文化社會學、政治社會學、社會理論

宋文里□ 美國伊利諾大學（娥百娜）心理學博士□ 文化心理學、宗教心理學、社會符號學

吳泉源□ 美國賓州大學社會學博士□ 經濟社會學、技術社會學、政治社會學

吳介民□ 美國哥倫比亞大學政治學博士□ 政治社會學、政治經濟學

姚人多□ 英國愛塞克斯大學社會學博士□ 當代社會學理論、大眾文化研究


《合聘》

張茂桂□ 美國普度大學社會學博士□ 政治社會學、族群關係研究

王俊秀□ 美國德州理工大學哲學博士□ 環境與都市社會學

《兼任 2002-2003》

謝國雄□ 美國加州大學（柏克萊）社會學博士□ 工業社會學、勞動研究

蕭阿勤□ 美國加州大學（聖地牙哥）社會學博士□ 政治社會學、文化社會學、民族主義研究

鄭陸霖□ 美國杜克大學社會學博士□ 發展社會學、經濟社會學

成令方□ 英國艾塞克斯(Essex)大學社會學博士□ 性別研究


甄 試
================

報名日期：91年10月24日—10月29日。採通訊報名，以郵戳為憑，逾期退件。

報考資格：大學應屆畢業生（包括五年級學生）；或已畢業具有學士學位者。同等學力亦可。

甄試方式：分兩階段進行，包括初審與複審。申請人需檢送申請表、進修計畫書、代表作品（不超過2件；不限文字作品）及推薦函二封。初審採書面審查，錄取若干名參加複審；複審包括口試與英文筆試。

成績計算方式：複試佔100%（口試70%、筆試30%）

錄取名額：九名。

招生考試
================

報名日期：92年3月3日—11日。採通訊報名，以國內郵戳為憑。

報考資格：公私立大學及獨立學院畢業生。

考試日期：初試—92年4月12日（星期六）。
複試—92年5月9日（星期五）。

考試科目：初試—社會學、社會學理論、社會研究法。複試—英文、口試。

成績計算方式：初試60%、英文15%、口試25%

錄取名額：九名（含在職生），但總名額會因甄試不足額錄取而增加若干名。

※以上簡介僅供參考，一切以本校發售之招生簡章所載內容為準※

洽詢電話：03-5712090 / 03-5715131轉4528 / 傳真：03-5751917

電子郵遞：iosoc@mx.nthu.edu.tw

參考資料：
附檔 1

社會學研究所91學年度招生考試
報名方式：一律通訊報名。
報名日期：91年3月4日~12日，以國內郵戳為憑。逾期退件。
招生名額：10名
考試科目：〈初試〉社會學、社會學理論、社會研究法。〈複試〉英文、口試
考試時間：〈初試〉91年4月13日（星期六）。〈複試〉91年5月10日（星期五）
計分標準：初 試60％; 複試口試25％; 複試英文15％

初試錄取名單預定於4月25日下午3：00公告之，複試錄取名單預定於5月16日下午3：00公告之，均可採以下方式查詢：
1、電話語音查詢03-5731300-3
2、網路查詢
（1）台灣學術網路電子佈告欄nthu.announce公告區與tw.announce公告區
（2）清華大學校園資訊網http://vm.rdb.nthu.edu.tw/info/

本所91學年度碩士班甄試共計有61位考生報考.我們採取兩階段方式審查,經過一審詳細閱讀考生所提供的資料後,初步推薦24位考生進入二審,再經過討論後,錄取17位考生進入複試.初審結果通知已於11月23日掛號寄出.

如果對審查結果有任何問題,歡迎來電查詢03-5712090

進入複試的考生請於12月8日(星期六)前來本所應試,當天8:30-9:30進行英文筆試,9:40開始依報名號碼進行口試.
本所將為有需要的考生準備午餐.詳細流程安排請參考附檔1

參考資料：
附檔 1

國立清華大學社會學研究所 91學年度招生公告
| 本所主要研究方向 | 師 資 | 甄 試 | 招生考試 |

本所主要研究方向
================

本所原為「社會人類學研究所」之中的「社會學組」，自八十七學年起獨立成為社會學研究所。在研究與教學上，一方面承接來自歐西社會學的學術傳統，另方面就本地的社會形態展開自本自根的研究，因此從古典社會學理論、後現代情境的論述到在地現象的探討及在地資源的利用，都是本所教學研究的基本方向。其中，以跨領域研究作為打開新典範的嘗試，是清華大學社會學研究群形成以來一貫秉持的信念，我們以此號召有志參與此一學術饗宴的青年學子來此共襄盛舉。除教師自發的學術研究外，藉師生共同討論而促發新的研究議題，亦是本所一大特色。

以目前開課及研究計劃所涵蓋的範圍而言，本所著重的研究領域可概分如下：

一、社會學傳統面向：

古典社會學理論、社會學方法論、政治社會學、經濟社會學、知識社會學、社會心理學、國家理論、發展理論、民主理論、階級理論、社會階層、社會運動、集體行為、公共領域、族群關係、勞動過程、福利國家、工業社會學、都市社會學、台灣社會、民族主義、區域研究專題等等。

二、跨領域研究面向：

文化理論、社會符號學、媒體理論、社會建構理論、市民社會、日常生活的社會學、文化政治、文化的精神分析、文化心理學、空間與社會、技術社會學、網路社會學、環境社會學、科技發展的政治社會學評估、經濟與文化、視覺社會學、女性主義理論、性的精神分析、婦女與國家、婦女與工作、性別、社會與文化、性別與政治、性別、身體與權力、宗教社會學、宗教心理學、巫術與科學等等。

[up]


師 資
================

《專任》

周碧娥□ 美國賓州州立大學社會學博士□ 婦女/性別研究、社會研究

張維安□ 東海大學社會學博士□ 經濟社會學、資訊社會學、社會理論

李丁讚□ 美國威斯康辛（麥迪遜）大學社會學博士□ 文化社會學、政治社會學、社會理論

宋文里□ 美國伊利諾大學（娥百娜）心理學博士□ 文化心理學、宗教心理學、社會符號學

吳泉源□ 美國賓州大學社會學博士□ 經濟社會學、技術社會學、政治社會學

吳介民□ 美國哥倫比亞大學政治學博士□ 政治社會學、政治經濟學

《合聘》

張茂桂□ 美國普度大學社會學博士□ 政治社會學、族群關係研究

王俊秀□ 美國德州理工大學哲學博士□ 環境與都市社會學

《兼任 2001-2002》

陳其南□ 美國耶魯大學文化人類學博士□ 市民社會學、文化研究

謝國雄□ 美國加州大學（柏克萊）社會學博士□ 工業社會學、勞動研究

蕭阿勤□ 美國加州大學（聖地牙哥）社會學博士□ 政治社會學、文化社會學、民族主義研究

成令方□ 英國艾塞克斯(Essex)大學社會學博士□ 性別研究

潘美玲□ 美國杜克大學社會學博士□ 經濟社會學、社會網絡

[up]

甄 試
================

報名日期：90年10月26日—11月1日。採通訊報名，以郵戳為憑，逾期退件。

報考資格：大學應屆畢業生（包括五年級學生）；或已畢業具有學士學位者。同等學力亦可。

甄試方式：分兩階段進行，包括初審與複審。申請人需檢送申請表、進修計畫書、代表作品（不超過2件；不限文字作品）及推薦函二封。初審採書面審查，錄取若干名參加複審；複審包括口試與英文筆試。

成績計算方式：複試佔100%（口試70%、筆試30%）

錄取名額：九名。

[up]

招生考試
================

報名日期：91年3月4日—12日。採通訊報名，以國內郵戳為憑。

報考資格：公私立大學及獨立學院畢業生。

考試日期：初試—91年4月13日（星期六）。複試—91年5月10日（星期五）。

考試科目：初試—社會學、社會學理論、社會研究法。複試—英文、口試。

成績計算方式：初試60%、英文15%、口試25%

錄取名額：九名（含在職生），但總名額會因甄試不足額錄取而增加若干名。

※以上簡介僅供參考，一切以本校發售之招生簡章所載內容為準※

洽詢電話：03-5712090 / 03-5715131轉4528 / 傳真：03-5751917

電子郵遞：iosoc@mx.nthu.edu.tw

[up]

甄試招生公告 2001/10/11

清華大學社會學研究所 91學年度碩士班甄試辦法

招生名額：一般生九名。

系所自定之報名條件：無。

系所指定繳交資料：

1、專用申請表(請下載下方 [附檔１]使用）；

2、進修計劃書；

3、代表作品（不超過2件；不限文字作品）；

4、推薦函二封。

甄試方式及項目：

一、初審：審查成績單、進修計劃書、推薦函及其他資料。

二、複試：初審通過始得參加，含筆試及口試。

筆試科目：英文。

成績計算方式：錄取總成績：複試口試70%，筆試30%。

簡章發售：90年10月4日起。請向本校研教組洽購。

通訊報名日期：90年10月26日至11月1日，以郵戳為憑。

備註：本所另備專用申請表，請自<附檔一>自行下載，於報名時一併寄繳。

網址：http://mx.nthu.edu.tw/~iosoc/

推薦函由推薦者逕寄本所招生委員會。

聯絡電話：03-5712090 或 03-5715131#4528

Email: iosoc@mx.nthu.edu.tw

參考資料：
附檔 1